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T. F. TOUT, M.A. 







Fifth Edition. Sixth Impression 

All rights rtsetz'ed 




The absence of any existing text-book, narrating with 
any approach to fulness the history of the period with 
which this work is concerned, induced the writer to 
think that the most useful course that he could pursue 
would be to cover as much of the whole ground as 
his space allowed. Finding that there was not room 
to treat all the aspects of European history with 
the same fulness, the author resolved to limit himself 
to the central struggle between the Papacy and the 
Empire, and to the events directly connected with 
it. He has therefore only busied himself with the 
affairs of Scandinavia, the Baltic lands, and the 
Slavonic kingdoms of the East so far as they stand 
in direct relation to the main currents of European 
history. The history of the Mohammedan Powers 
has been treated in the same way, and even Christian 
Spain has only been allowed a very small number 
of pages. This necessary limitation has afforded 
more room for the main purpose of the writer, 
which has been to narrate, with some amount of 
detail, the political and ecclesiastical history of the 
chief states of Southern and Western Europe, and 
in particular of Germany, Italy, France, and the 
Eastern Empire. The expansion of the Latin and 
Catholic world at the expense of both the Orthodox 
Greeks and the Mohammedans, stands so much in 

iv European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

the forefront of the history of the period that it 
could not be neglected, though the writer has 
avoided treating the Crusades in much detail. Some 
account of the general movements of thought and 
of the development of the ecclesiastical system and 
of the religious orders seemed to him necessary for 
the understanding even of the political history of a 
time when everything was subordinated to the autho- 
rity of the Church. He has, however, endeavoured to 
bring this into some sort of connection with the 
political history of the period, and has not felt it in 
his power to enlarge upon the general history of 
civilisation in the way adopted by the very valuable 
Histoire G^n^rale de r Europe, edited by MM. Lavisse 
and Ram baud. He has, however, frequently availed 
himself of the help of that book in his selection and 
arrangement of his facts, and would like to refer his 
readers to it for such parts of the history as do 
not fall within his scheme. He has indicated in 
notes at the beginning of the various chapters some 
useful authorities in which readers will find a more 
detailed account of various aspects of the time. 

In conclusion, the writer must express his thanks to 
his wife, who has helped him materially in nearly 
every part of the book, and has taken the chief share 
in preparing the maps, tables, and index. 

In preparing for fresh impressions such errors have 
been corrected as the author has been able to find. 

Manchester, Dtc. 1906. 



I. Introduction, ...... i 

II. The Saxon Kings of thb Germans, and the Revival 

OF THE Roman Empire by Otto i. (919-973), . . 12 

III. The German Empire at the Height of its Power. 

The later Saxon and early Salian Emperors 
(973-1056) 36 

IV. France and its Vassal States under the last 

Carolingians and the early Capetians (929-1108), 66 

V. The Cluniac Reformation (910-1073), and Italy in 

the Eleventh Cei^tury, .... 96 

VI. The Investiture Contest (1056-1 125), . , 120 

VII. The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 

(912-1095), 151 

VIII. The Early Crusades and the Latin Kingdom of 

Jerusalem (1095-1187), . . . . .177 

IX. The Monastic Movement and the Twelfth Century 

( Renascence, . . . . . .198 

X. Germany AND Italy (1125-1152), . . . .221 

XL Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander hi. 

The renewed Conflict betweenJ Papacy and 
Empire (1 152-1 190), ..... 245 

XIL France, Normandy, and Anjou, and the Beginnings 
of the Greatnkss of the Capetian Monarchy 
(110S-1189), . . . . . • 274 

vi European History, 918-1273 


XIII. Thb Third Crusaiir and thb Reign of Hbnry vi 



XV. Thb Byzantine Empire in the Twelfth Century 
THE Fourth Crdsade, and the Latin Empire in 
the East (1095-1261), .... 


XVII. France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 
(1180-1270), ..... 

XVIII. The Universities and the Friars, 

XIX. The Last Crusades and the East in the Tmir 
teenth Century, .... 

XX. The Growth of Christian Spain, 

XXI. The Fall of the Hohenstaufen and the Great 
Interregnum (1250-1273), 


1. Germany under the Saxon and Swabian Emperors, 

2. Ecclesiastical Divisions of Germany, 

3. France, showing the great fiefs, 

4. South Italy before the Norman Conquest, 

5. Middle Italy in the Eleventh Century, . 

6. The Eastern Empire in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries, 

7. The Crusading States in Syria in the Twelfth Century, 

8. Dominions of Saladin in 1 193, . 

9. Possessions of the Guelfs in the days of Henry ihe Lion, 

10. France in 1189, 

11. The Latin Empire of Constantinople, . 

12. France and its neighbour lands in 1270, 

13. Spain at the end of the Twelfth Century, 

14. Spain at the end of the Thirteenth Century, 




1. The Crescentii, 

2. The Saxon and Salian Emperors, 

3. The Capetian Kings of France, 

4. The House of Tancred of Haute ville, 

5. The Macedonian Dynasty, 

6. The Early Kings of Jerusalem, 

7. The Guelfs and the Hohenstaufen, 

8. The House of Blois, 

9. The Comneni and Angeli, 

10. The Latin Emperors of Constantinople, 




Tables of Popes, Emperors, Eastern Emperors, Latin 
Emperors in the East, Latin Kings of Jerusalem, and 
Kings of France, ...... 





To the general modern authorities for French history for this 
period must now be added the valuable new Histoire de France 
edited by M. Ernest Lavisse (Hachette), of which the three half- 
volumes covering this period are now published. They are : 
Les Premiers Capiiiens (987-1137), by Achille Luchaire, II. ii. ; 
Louis VIF., Philippe Attguste, Louis VIIL, by Achille Luchaire, 
III. i. ; and Saint Louis, Philip>pe U Bel, les demiers Capdtiens 
directs, by Ch. V. Langlois, Hi. ii. 



General Characteristics of the Period — The End of the Dark Ages — The 
Triumph of Feudalism — The Revival of the Roman Empire and Papacy 
— The Struggles of Papacy and Empire — The Spread of Religion and 
Civilisation — The Crusades and the Latin East — The Growth of National 

It is a trite thing to say that all long periods of European 
history are ages of transition. The old order is ever 
passing gradually away, and a new society is 
ever springing up from amidst the ruins of the character- 
dying system that has done its work. But the "ticsofthe 
period with which this book is concerned is 
transitional in no merely conventional sense. We take up 
the story in the early years of the tenth century, when the 
Dark Ages had not yet run their course. We end it in the 
closing years of the thirteenth century, when the choicest 
flowers of mediaeval civilisation were already in full bloom. 
Starting at the end of a period of deep depression and 
degradation, we have to note how feudalism got rid of 
the barbarian invaders, and restored the military efficiency 
of Europe at the expense of its order and civilisation. 
We learn how the revival of the Roman Empire again 
set up an effective and orderly political power, and led to 
the revival of the Church and religion, and the subsequent 
renewal of intellectual life. But the Empire was never 
more than a half-realised theory; and while the world had 
theoretically one master, it was in reality ruled by a multi- 
tude of petty feudal chieftains. Thus was brought about 

2 European History, 918-1273 

the universal monarchy of the Papacy, the Crusades, 
the monastic revivals, the strong but limited intellectual re- 
nascence of the twelfth century, and the marvellous develop- 
ment of art, letters, and material civilisation that flowed 
from it The conflict of Papacy and Empire impaired the 
efficiency of both, and made possible the growth of the great 
national states of the thirteenth century, from which the 
ultimate salvation of Europe was to come. Turbulent as 
was the period during which these great revolutions were 
worked out, it was one of many-sided activity, and of 
general, but by no means unbroken, progress. It was the 
time of the development and perfection of all the most 
essential features of that type of civilisation which is called 
mediaeval. It was the age of feudalism, of the Papacy and 
Empire, of the Crusades, of chivalry, of scholasticism and the 
early universities, of monasticism in its noblest types, of 
mediaeval art in its highest aspects, and of national monarchy 
in its earliest form. Before our period ends, the best charac- 
teristics of the Middle Ages had already manifested themselves. 
Fertile as were the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in their 
promise of later developments, they bore witness only to the 
decline of what was most characteristic of the period that we 
now have to consider. 

Let us dwell for a moment on some of the leading features 
of this period in a little more detail. 

We begin in a time of gloom and sorrow. The Carolingian 
Empire, which had united the vigour of the barbarians with 
The Dark the civilisation of the Roman world, had broken 
Ages. up. The sacred name of Emperor had been 

assumed so constantly by weaklings that it had ceased to have 
much hold upon the minds of men. The great kingdoms, into 
which the Carolingian Empire had resolved itself, seemed 
destined to undergo the process that had destroyed the parent 
state. The East Prankish realm — the later Germany — was 
breaking up into its four national duchies of Saxony, Fran- 
conia, Bavaria, and Swabia. The West Frankish realm was 

Introduction 3 

the prey of the rivalry of the Carolings and the Robertians. 
The Middle Kingdom was in still worse plight. Italy had 
fallen away under a line of nominal Italian or Lombard kings, 
but the south was Greek or Saracen, and the north was in 
hopeless confusion. The northern parts of the Middle King- 
dom, to which alone the name Lotharingia clung, were tend- 
ing towards their ultimate destiny of becoming a fifth national 
duchy of the German realm, though their loyalty for the 
Carolingian house brought them more than once back to 
the West Frankish kingdom. The lands between this re- 
stricted Lotharingia and the Mediterranean had become the 
kingdom of Aries or Burgundy by the union, in 932, of 
the two Burgundian states that had grown up in the days of 
chaos. But of the six kingdoms which now represented the 
ancient Empire, not one was effectively governed. The 
administrative system of the Carolingians had altogether dis- 
appeared. The kings were powerless, the Church was corrupt, 
the people miserable and oppressed, the nobles self-seeking 
and brutal. The barbarian invader had profited by the 
weakness of civilisation. The restored Rome of Charlemagne, 
like the old Rome of Constantine and Theodosius, was 
threatened with annihilation by pagan hordes. The Norse- 
men threatened the coasts of the west ; the Saracens domi- 
nated the Mediterranean, captured the islands, and established 
outposts in southern Gaul and Italy. The Slavs overran 
Germany. The Magyars threatened alike Germany and Italy. 
Everywhere civilisation and Christianity were on the wane. 

Yet the darkest hour was already past when the tenth 
century had begun. The feudal system had saved Europe 
from its external enemies. The feudal cavalry and the feudal 
castle had proved too strong for the barbarians. The Norse 
plunderers had gone home beaten, or had settled with Rolf 
in Neustria, or with Guthrum in eastern England, ^j^^ ^^^ ^^ 
The Saracens had been driven from Italy, and the Dark 
were soon to be chased out of Provence. The ^^^^' 
Wends and the Magyars were soon to feel the might of 

4 European History^ 918-1273 

Henry the Fowler. The Saxon dukes were restoring the 
East Frankish realm. The Robertians were getting the 
upper hand in France. Even the consolidation of the two 
Burgundies made for unity. In the east the Macedonian 
dynasty was ruling over the Greek Empire in uneventful 
peace, and extending its sway to the farthest limits of 
Asia Minor. In Spain the Christians had definitely got 
the better of the Moors. The break-up of the Caliphate 
robbed Islam both of its political and religious unity, 
and destroyed for the time its capacity for aggression. The 
first gleams of a religious revival began with 
the foundation of Cluny. But despite all these 
glimpses of hope, the state of western Europe was still deplor- 
able. The feudal nobles were the masters of the situation. 
Their benefices were rapidly becoming hereditary, their 
authority more recognised and systematic But no salvation 
was to be expected from a system that was the very abnegation 
of all central and national authority. It was but little more 
than organised anarchy when the west had to depend upon 
a polity that made every great landholder a petty tyrant over 
his neighbours. The military strength of feudalism had given 
it authority. Its political weakness was revealed when the 
feudal baron had to govern as well as fight. 

Feudalism was not long in undisputed possession of the 

field. From the revival of the German kingdom by the 

The Holy Saxon kings sprang the Holy Roman Empire of 

Roman the German nation, beginning with the coronation 

Empire. ^j- q^^^ ^j^^ Great in 962. Less universal, less 

ecclesiastical, less truly Roman than the Carolingian Empire, 

the Empire of the Saxons and Franks was based essentially 

upon the German kingship, yet was ever trying to outgrow its 

hmitations, and to claim in its completeness the Carolingian 

heritage. Within a century of the coronation of Otto, the 

revived Empire included in its sphere the German, Italian, 

Burgundian, and Lotharingian realms — in short, all the Empire 

of Charles the Great, save the West Frankish states, ruled since 

Introduction 5 

987 by Hugh Capet and his descendants. Moreover, the Empire 
had pushed forward the limits of Christianity and civilisation 
in the barbarous north and east. It had extended its direct 
rule over a wide stretch of marchlands. The Scandinavians, 
Wends, Poles, Bohemians, and Hungarians all received the 
Christian faith from missionaries profoundly impressed with the 
imperial idea, and their conversion involved at least temporary 
dependence upon the power that again aspired to be lord of the 
world. At home the Emperors checked and restrained, though 
recognising and utilising, the feudal principle. In their fear 
of the lay aristocracy, no less than in their zeal for religion 
and order, they associated themselves closely with the work 
of reforming the Church. But the restoration of religion 
soon involved the restoration of Papacy and hierarchy, and 
thus they raised up the power before which Emperors were 
finally to succumb. Yet the Empire did not fall until it had 
kept central Europe together for nearly three centuries, at 
a time when no other power could possibly have accomplished 
the task. From the coronation of the Saxon to the fall of 
the Hohenstaufen, the Holy Roman Empire had no small 
claim to the lordship of the world. 

The darkest hour of the State was the darkest hour of the 
Church. The last faint traces of the Carolingian revival of 
religion disappeared amid the horrors of Danish, The 
Saracen, and Hungarian invasions. The feudal- Hiidebrandme 

° Reformation 

ism that saved Europe from the barbarians now and the 
began to infect what remained of Christian life P^P^^^y- 
with its own ferocity, greed, and lust. The spiritual offices of 
the Church were becoming heritable property, dissociated 
from all effective spiritual duties. But amidst the turmoil 
of feudal times, a few nobler spirits sought salvation from 
the wickedness that lay thick around them in the solitude 
of the cloister. Before the end of the tenth century, the 
Cluniac revival presented to Europe an ideal of life very 
different from feudal militarism. In alliance with the Em- 
pire, the Cluniacs restored religion in central Europe, and 

6 European History, 918-1273 

missionaries, working in their spirit, spread the Gospel beyond 
the bounds of the Empire among the barbarians of the north 
and east But from Cluny also came new theories of the 
province of the Church, which soon brought religion into 
sharp conflict with the temporal authority. When the power 
of the State lay almost in abeyance, it was natural that the 
Church should encroach upon the sphere it left vacant. 
From Cluny came the Hildebrandine Reformation, and 
from the theories of Hildebrand sprang two centuries of 

conflict between Papacy and Empire. The great 
struggles struggle of Popcs and Emperors (the highest ex- 
°'h F*'*^^ pression of the universal struggle of the spiritual 

and temporal swords), was the central event of 
the Middle Ages. It first took the form of the Investiture 
Contest, but when the Investiture Contest had been ended 
by the substantial victory of the Church, the eternal strife 
was soon renewed under other pretexts. It inspired the 
contest of Alexander in. with Frederick Barbarossa, of 
Thomas of Canterbury with Henry of Anjou, of Innocent iii. 
with half the princes of Europe, and the final great con- 
flict between the successors of Innocent and Frederick 11. 
At last the Empire succumbed before the superior strength of 
the Papacy. But the Hohenstaufen were soon revenged ; 
and, within two generations of the death of Frederick 11., the 
victorious Papacy was degraded from its pride of place by 
its ancient ally. 

From the triumphs of Hildebrand and his successors 
sprang the religious revivals that enriched the Middle Ages 
Religious ^'^^ ^^ '^^^ ^^s fairest and most poetical in the 
and monastic life of thosc timcs. The Cistercians and the 

Carthusians revived the ideals of St. Benedict, 
with special precautions against the dangers before which 
the old Benedictine houses had succumbed. The orders 
of Canons Regular sought to unite the life of the monk 
with the work of the clerk. They paved the way for the 
more complete realisation of their ideal in the thirteenth 

Introduction f 

century, when the mendicant orders of Friars arose under 
Francis and Dominic. From the monastic movement sprang 
a revival of spiritual religion and a renewed interest in 
the world of thought and art. The artistic 
impulses of the time found their highest ex- 
pression in the vast and stern Romanesque minsters of the 
older orders, and in the epic literature of the chansons dt 
geste. The transition during the twelfth century from 
Romanesque to Gothic architecture, and the parallel change 
in vernacular literature from the epic to the romance, mark 
a new development in the European spirit. Side by side 
with them went the great intellectual renascence of the same 
momentous century. While an Anselm sought to enlist philo- 
sophy in the service of the Church, an Abelard began to 
question the very sources of authority. In Abelard the intel- 
lectual movement outgrew its monastic parentage, and in his 
conflict with Bernard the dictator of Christen- Revival of 
dom, the old and the new spirit came into the speculative 
sharpest antagonism. The systematic schoolmen ^'^^'^'^y- 
of later ages had neither the independence of Abelard nor the 
limitation of Bernard. Learning passed from monastic to 
secular hands, but the scholastic philosophy was already 
enlisted on the side of the Church, and active as was its 
intelligence, it henceforth worked within self-appointed limits. 
Side by side with the revival of philosophy, came the work 
of Irnerius and Gratian, the revival of the sys- 


tematic study of Civil Law, and the building up 
of the great structure of ecclesiastical jurisprudence. From 
the multiplication of students and studies sprang the organisa- 
tion of teachers and learners into the universities. The 
From the ignorance and barbarism of the tenth Universities, 
century, there is a record of continuous progress until the end 
of our period. Yet the thirteenth century does not only illus- 
trate the crowning glories of the Middle Ages : it suggests new 
modes of thought that indicate that the Middle Ages them- 
selves are passing away. The triumph of the Church bore 

S European History, 918-1273 

with it the seeds of its own ruin, in the world of thought as 
well as in the world of action. 

From the Hildebrandine revival sprang also the Crusades, 
and the combination of the military and religious ideals of 
The the Latin world in the pursuit of a holy war 

Crusades fg^ tj,e recovery of Christ's Sepulchre. The 

and the _,,., , iiji t-. 

Latin rule Turkish advance was checked ; the Eastern 
in the East- Empire was saved from imminent destruction ; 
and a series of Latin states in Syria and Greece extended 
the scope of western influence at the expense of Orthodox 
and Mohammedan alike. But the diversion of the Fourth 
Crusade to overthrow the Empire of Constantinople indicates 
the high-water mark of the Latin Christian power in the 
East ; and the change in the current of western ideas made 
the Crusades of the thirteenth century but vain attempts to 
restore a vanished dream. Before the end of our period, 
the Christian domination in the East had shrunk to the 
lordship of a few Greek islands. The Paljeologi brought 
back Byzantine rule to the Byzantine capital ; and the 
strongest kings of the West could not save the remnants of 
the Latin states in Syria. The Mongol invasions threatened 
Christian and Saracen alike. While the western prospects 
were so fair, in the East barbarism was on the highway to 

The failure of the Empire to rule the world led to a feudal 
reaction, that was not least felt in the lands directly governed 
The by the Emperors. Our period witnesses both the 

Feudal Age. triumph and the decay of feudalism. It is the 
time when feudal ideas prevailed all over the western world, 
following the Crusaders into the burning deserts of Syria, 
and the lands of the Eastern Emperors. The Normans 
took feudalism to southern Italy and Sicily, and developed 
the feudalism that they already found in England. Even 
Scandinavia evolved a feudalism of its own, and the sons 
and grandsons of the followers of William the Conqueror 
planted feudal states side by side with the Celtic tribalism of 

Introduction 9 

Wales and Ireland. For nearly four centuries the mail-clad 
feudal horseman was invincible in battle, and the stone-built 
feudal castle, ever becoming more complex and elaborate in 
structure, was impregnable except to famine. The better 
side of feudal social ideals — chivalry, knighthood, honour, 
and courtesy — did something to temper the brutality and 
pride of the average baron, and found powerful expression 
in the vernacular literatures, written to amuse nobles and 
gentry. But before our period ends, the days of feudal 
ascendency were over. Hopeful of triumph in Germany, 
where the German state suffered by its kings' pursuit of the 
imperial vision, feudalism found in Italy a powerful rival in 
strong municipalities closely allied with the Church. In 
western Europe it was beginning to give ground. The greater 
feudatories crushed their lesser neighbours, and built up states 
that were powerful enough to stand by themselves. The 
Church, though fitting itself into the feudal organisation of 
society, could never repose simply on brute force. The 
towns, whose separate organisation was, in some 

r Ty , , , , ,- The Towns. 

parts of Europe at least, as much the result of 
military, as of economic necessities, became the centres of 
expanding trade and increasing wealth. Within their strong 
walls they were able to hold their own, and claim for them- 
selves a part in the social system as well as baron or bishop. 
But feudalism had at last met its master. With its decline 
before the national spirit, we are on the threshold of modem 

The division of the Empire into local kingdoms, begun 
at the treaty of Verdun, paved the way for the modern idea 
of a national state. The Empire stifled the early ^j^^ grovvth 
possibilities of a German nation, and Empire and of national 
Papacy combined to make impossible an Italian '"°'^*'«=h>e5 
nation. But in France other prospects arose. Through its 
virtual exclusion from the Empire, France had been delivered 
from some very real dangers. The early Capetians were 
shadows round which a mighty system revolved; but they had 

10 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

a lofty theory and a noble tradition at their back, and the time 
at last came when they could convert their theory into practice. 
Philip Augustus made France a great state and nation. 
Power Under St. Louis the leadership of Europe passed 

passes from definitely from the Germans to the French — from 
France"^ *** the people ruled by the visionary world-Empire 
to the people ruled by a popular and effective 
national monarchy. The alliance between France and the 
Church, the preponderance of French effort in the Crusades, 
the spread of the French tongue and literature as the common 
expression of European chivalry, had made tbe French nation 
famous, long before a large proportion of the French nation 
had been organised into a French state. The Spanish peoples 
acquired strong local attachments; the English became 
conscious of their national life. Alfonso the Wise of Castile 
and Edward i. of England rank with St. Louis and Philip the 
Fair. Even Frederick 11. owed his strength to his national 
position in Germany and Naples, rather than to his imperial 
aspirations. Before our period ends, the national principle 
had clearly asserted itself. Trade, art, literature, religion 
began to desert cosmopolitan for national channels, and 
the beginnings of the system of estates and representative 
institutions show that the great organised classes of mediaeval 
society aspired to share with their kings the direction of the 
national destinies. The Empire had fallen ; the Papacy was 
soon to be overthrown ; feudalism was decayed ; the cosmo- 
politan culture of the universities had seen its best days. It 
is in the juxtaposition of what was best in the old, and what 
was most fertile in the new, that gives its unique charm to 
the thirteenth century. The transition from the Dark Ages 
to the Middle Ages had been worked out. There were 
signs that the transition was beginning that culminates in the 
Renascence and the Reformation. 



The Transference of the German Kingship from the Franks to the Saxons — 
The Reign of Henry the Fowler — The De.ence of the Frontiers and the 
Beginnings of the Marks — Otto i.'s Rule as German King — The Feudal 
Opposition and its Failure — The First and Second Civil Wars — The 
Reorganisation of the Duchies— The Marks established — Battle on the 
Lechfeld — Otto's Ecclesiastical Policy — His Intervention in Italy and its 
Causes — Italy in the Tenth Century — Degradation of the Papacy — 
Theodora and Marozia — Alberic and John xii. — Otto's Second Inter- 
vention in Italy — His Coronation as Emperor — His later Italian Policy — 
His Imperial Position and Death. 

The death of Conrad i., in December 918 (see Period i. 
pp. 475-7), ended the Franconian dynasty. In April 919 the 
Election of Franconian and Saxon magnates met at Fritzlar 
Henry the to elect a new king. On the proposal of Eber- 
Fowier, 9x9. j^j^j.(j^ Duke of Franconia, and brother of the dead 
king Conrad, Henry, Duke of the Saxons, called Henry the 

* Giesebrecht's Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit gives a full account 
of German and Italian history from 919 to the latter part of the reign of 
Frederick i. Richter and Kohl's Annalen des deutschen Reichs im 
Zeitalter der Ottonen und der Salur, include an excellent series of 
extracts from the original sources. Pruti's Staatengeschichte des Abend- 
lands im MUtelalter (vol. i. Oncken's Series) is a popular working-up of 
the whole period. A French account is in Zeller's Histoire de PAlle- 
magm ; while Lavisse and Rambaud's Histoire gin4rale du ixf SiicU d 
nos jours, vols. i. and ii., is certainly the best presentation of the general 
history of the early Middle Ages. Bryce's remarkable essay on The Holy 
Roman Empire, and Fisher's detailed Medieval Empire are the best books 
in English. The facts are related in Henderson's History of Germany 
during tht Middle Ages, and in Milman's History of Latin Christianity, 
Giegorovius' Geschichtt der Stadt Rom im MUtelalter is now translated. 

The Saxon Kings of the Germans 13 

Fowler, was elevated to the vacant throne. Henry had been 
already marked out for this dignity, both by the great position 
of his house and nation, and by the wish of the last king. 
Yet the voluntary abdication of the Franconian and the 
transference of the monarchy to the Saxon forms one of the 
great turning-points in the history of the German nation. 
The existence of a separate German state had been already 
secured by the work of Louis the German and Arnulf of 
Carinthia. Yet so long as the sceptre remained in the Caro- 
lingian hands, the traditions of a mighty past overpowered 
the necessities of the present. Down to the death of Conrad, 
the Franks were still the ruling nation, and the German realm 
was East Frankish rather than German. The accession of 
the Saxon gave the best chance for a more general The Saxon 
development on national lines. For of all the five nation, 
nations of Germany, the Saxons were the least affected by the 
Carolingian tradition. Christianity was still less than a century 
old with them, and formal heathenism still lingered on in the 
wilder moors and marshes of the north. Roman civilisation 
was still but a sickly exotic; and, free from its enervating 
influences, the Saxons still retained the fierce barbaric prowess 
of the old Teutonic stock, while the primitive Teutonic in- 
stitutions, which were fast disappearing in the south before 
the march of feudalism, still retained a strong hold amidst 
the rude inhabitants of northern Germany. In the south the 
mass of the peasantry were settling down as spiritless and 
peaceful farmers, leaving the fighting to be done by a limited 
number of half-professional soldiers. But among the Saxons 
every freeman was still a warrior, and the constant incursions 
of heathen Danes and Wends gave constant opportunities 
for the practice of martial habits. The old blood nobility 
still took the leadership of the race. Not only were the 
Saxons the strongest, the most energetic, and most martial 
of the Germans, but the mighty deeds of their Ludolfing 
dukes showed that their princes were worthy of them. It 
was only the strong arm of a mighty warrior that could 

14 European History^ 918-1273 

save Germany from the manifold evils that beset it from 
within and without. The Ludolfings had already proved on 
many a hard-fought field that they were the natural leaders 
of the German people. The dying Conrad simply recognised 
accomplished facts, when he urged that the Saxon duke should 
be his successor. The exhausted Franconians merely accepted 
the inevitable, when they voluntarily passed over the hegemony 
of Germany to their northern neighbours. 

There were, however, insuperable limitations to the power 
of the first Saxon king of the Germans. Henry the Fowler 

Henry's ^^^ \\\S\t more influential as king than as duke. 

German There was no idea whatever of German unity or 

P°''*^^' nationality. The five nations were realities, but 
beyond them the only ties that could bind German to 
German were the theoretical unities of Rome — the unity of 
the Empire and the unity of the Church. From the circum- 
stances of his election and antecedents, Henry could draw 
no assistance from the great ideals of the past, by which he 
was probably but little influenced. He feared rather than 
courted the support of the churchmen. When the Church 
offered to consecrate the choice of the magnates by crowning 
and anointing the new king, Henry protested his unworthiness 
to receive such sacred symbols. 

Thus Germany became a federation of great duchies, the 
duke of the strongest nation taking precedence over the others 
with the title of king. Even this result was obtained only 
through Henry's strenuous exertions. His power rested 
almost entirely on the temporary union of the Saxons and 
Franconians. The southern and western nations of Germany 
were almost outside the sphere of his influence. Lotharingia 
fell away altogether, still cleaving to the Carolings, and recog- 
nising the West Frankish king, Charles the Simple, rather 
than the Saxon intruder. Henry was conscious of the weak- 
ness of his position, and discreetly accepted the withdrawal 
of Lotharingia from his obedience, receiving in return an 
acknowledgment of his own royal position from Charles the 

The Saxon Kings of t lie Germans 15 

Simple. Swabia and Bavaria were almost as hard to deal 
with as Lotharingia. They had taken no practical share in 
Henry's election, and were by no means disposed to acknow- 
ledge the nominee of the Saxons and Franconians. It was 
not until 921 that Henry obtained the formal recognition of 
the Bavarians, and this step was only procured by his 
renouncing in favour of Duke Arnulf every regalian right, 
including the much-cherished power of nominating the 
bishops. Henry was no more a real king of all the Germans 
than Egbert or Alfred were real kings over all England. His 
mission was to convert a nominal overlordship into an actual 
sovereignty. But he saw that he could only obtain the formal 
recognition necessary for this process by accepting accom- 
plished facts, and giving full autonomy to the nations. His 
ideal seems, in fact, to have been that of the great West 
Saxon lords of Britain. He strove to do for Germany what 
Edward the Elder and Athelstan were doing for England. 
It is, from this point of view, of some political significance 
that Henry married his eldest son Otto, afterwards the famous 
Emperor, to Edith, daughter of Edward, and sister of Athel- 
stan, Yet, like England, Germany could hope for national 
unity only when foreign invasion had been successfully warded 
off. The first condition of internal unity was the cessation 
of the desolating barbarian invasions which, since the break- 
up of the Carolingian Empire, had threatened to blot out 
all remnants of civilisation. Saxony had already sufiFered 
terribly from the Danes and Wends. To these was added 
in 924 a great invasion of the Magyars or Hungarians, the 
Mongolian stock newly settled in the Danube plains, and 
still heathen and incredibly fierce and barbarous. The 
Magyars now found that the Bavarians had learnt how to 
resist them successfully, so that they turned their , 

-^ ' ■' _ Invasion ot 

arms northwards, hoping to find an easier foe in barbarians 
the Saxons. Henry, with his Franks and Saxons, *=^«<=''«'^- 
had to bear the full brunt of the invasion, and no help 
came either from Swabia or Bavaria. Henry had the good 

1 6 European History^ 918-1273 

luck to take prisoner one of the Hungarian leaders, and by 
restoring his captive and promising a considerable tribute, he 
was able to procure a nine years' truce for Saxony. Two 
years later the Magyars again swarmed up the Danube into 
Bavaria, but Henry made no effort to assist the nation which 
had refused to aid him in his necessity. 

Thus freed from the Magyars, Henry turned his arms against 
the Danes and the Wends. In 934 he established a strong 
mark against the Danes, and forced the mighty Danish king, 
Gorm the Old, to pay him tribute. He was even more successful 
against the Slavs. In 928 Brennabor (the modern Branden- 
The defence t)urg), the chief Stronghold of the Havellers, fell 
of the into his hands, and with it the broad lands 

the"beein*" between the Havel and the Spree, the nucleus of 
ningsofthe the later East Mark. But more important than 
Marks. Hcnry's victories were his plans for the defence 

of the frontiers. He planted German colonists in the lands 
won from the barbarian. He built a series of new towns, 
that were to serve as central strongholds, in the marchland 
districts. The Saxon monk Widukind tells us how Henry 
ordered that, of every nine of his soldier-farmers, one 
should live within the walls of the new town, and there 
build houses in which his eight comrades might take shelter 
in times of invasion, and in which a third part of all their 
crops was to be preserved for their support, should necessity 
compel them to take refuge within the walls. In return, 
the dwellers in the country were to till the fields and harvest 
the crops of their brother in the town. Moreover, Henry 
ordered that all markets, meetings, and feasts should be held 
within the walled towns, so as to make them, as far as pos- 
sible, the centres of the local life. Some of the most ancient 
towns of eastern Saxony, including Quedlinburg, Meissen, and 
Merseburg, owe their origin to this policy. Henry also 
improved the quality of the Saxon cavalry levies, teaching his 
rude warriors to rely on combined evolutions rather than 
the prowess of the individual horseman. So anxious was 

The Saxon Kings of the Germans 17 

he to utilise all the available forces against the enemy, that 
he settled a legion of able-bodied robbers at Merseburg, 
giving them pardon and means of subsistence, on the con- 
dition of their waging war against the Wends. 

The effect of these wise measures was soon felt, Henry 
had laid the foundation of the great ring of marks, whose 
organisation was completed by his son. He had also in- 
spired his subjects with a new courage to resist the bar- 
barian, and a new faith in their king. When the nine 
years' truce with the Hungarians was over, the Saxons re- 
solved to fight rather than continue to pay them a humiliating 
tribute. A long series of victories crowned the „ 

*-' Henrys 

end of Henry's martial career. He was no longer triumph and 
forced to strictly limit himself to the defence of '*"^''' ^3^- 
his own duchy of Saxony, and the southern nations of Germany 
could honour and obey the defender of the German race 
from the heathen foe, though they paid but scanty reverence 
to the duke of the Saxons. Lotharingia reverted to her 
allegiance after the sceptre of the western kingdom had 
passed, on the death of Charles the Simple, from her 
beloved Carolings. Yet Henry never sought to depart from 
his earlier policy, and still gave the fullest autonomy to 
Saxon, Bavarian, and Lotharingian. He still lived simply 
after the old Saxon way, wandering from palace to palace 
among his domain-lands on the slopes of the Harz, and 
seldom troubling the rest of the country with his presence. 
Yet visions of a coming glory flitted before the mind of the 
old sovereign. He dreamed of a journey to Rome to wrest 
the imperial crown from the nerveless hands of the pre- 
tenders, whose faction fights were reducing Italy to anarchy. 
But his end was approaching, and the more immediate 
task of providing for the succession occupied his thoughts. 
His eldest son, Thankmar, was the offspring of a marriage 
•unsanctioned by the Church, and was, therefore, passed 
over as illegitimate. By his pious wife Matilda, the pattern 
of German housewives, he had several children. Of these 


I S European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

Otto was the eldest, but the next son, Henry, as the first 
born after his father had become a king, was. looked upon 
by many as possessing an equally strong title to election. 
The king, however, urged on his nobles to choose Otto as 
his successor. He died soon after, on and July 936, and was 
buried in his own town of Quedlinburg, where the pious care 
of his widow and son erected over his remains a great church 
and abbey for nuns, which became one of the most famous 
monastic foundations of northern Germany. ' He was,' says 
the historian of his house, * the greatest of the kings of Europe, 
and inferior to none of them in power of mind and body ' 
But Henry's best claim to fame is that he laid the solid 
foundations on which his son built the strongest of early 
mediaeval states. 

Otto I. was a little over twenty years of age when he 
ascended the throne. While his father had shunned the 
Coronation of consecration of the Church, his first care was 
Otto I., 936. tQ procure a pompous coronation at Aachen. As 
strong a statesman and as bold a warrior as his father, 
the new king was so fully penetrated with the sense of 
his divine mission, and so filled with high ideals of king- 
craft, that it was impossible for him to endure the limita- 
tions to his sway, in which Henry had quietly acquiesced. 
Duke Eberhard of Franconia was the first to resent the 
pretensions of the young king. He felt that he was the 
author of the sway of the Saxon house, and resolved to 
exercise over his nation the same authority that he had 
wielded without question in the days of King Henry. Mean- 
The attack while, the death of Duke Amulf of Bavaria gave 
on the duke- q^^q ^n Opportunity of manifesting his power to 

doms, andthe , , ^^ ,, j j . ,rt 

First Civil the south. He roughly deposed Arnulfs eldest 
war,938-94x. gon, Eberhard, who had refused to perform 
him homage, and made his younger brother Berthold duke, 
but only on condition that the right of nominating to the 
Bavarian bishoprics, which had been wrung from the weakness 
of Henry, should now be restored to the crown. Moreover, 

Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 19 

he set up another brother, Arnulf, as Count Palatine, to 
act as a sort of overseer over the new duke. But while 
Franconia and Bavaria were thus deeply offended. Otto's 
own Saxons were filled with discontent at his policy. They 
resented Otto's desire to reign as king over all Germany, as 
like'iy to impair the dominant claims of the ruling Saxon 
race. They complained that he had favoured the Franks 
more than the Saxons, and the sluggish nobles of the 
interior parts of Saxony were disgusted that Otto had over- 
looked their claims on his attention in favour of Hermann 
Billung and Gero, to whom he had intrusted the care of 
his old duchy along with the government of the Wendish 
marches. Thankmar, the bastard elder brother, Henry, 
the younger brother who boasted that he was the son of a 
reigning king, were both angry at being passed over, and put 
themselves at the head of the Saxon malcontents. In 938, a 
revolt broke out in the north. The faithfulness of Hermann 
Billung limited its extent, and the death of Thankmar seemed 
likely to put an end to the trouble. But Henry now allied 
himself with Duke Eberhard of Franconia; and Duke 
Giselbert of Lotharingia, Otto's brother-in-law, joined the 
combination. A bloody civil war was now fought in West- 
phalia and the Lower Rhineland. The army of Otto was taken 
at a disadvantage at Birthen, near Xanten; but the pious 
king threw himself on his knees, and begged God to protect 
his followers, and a victory little short of miraculous followed 
his prayer. However, the rebels soon won back a strong 
position, and the bishops, headed by Archbishop Frederick of 
Mainz, intrigued with them in the belief that Otto's term 
of power was at an end. But the king won a second un- 
expected triumph at Andernach, and the Dukes of Franconia 
and Lotharingia perished in the pursuit. Henry fled to 
Louis, king of the West Franks, whose only concern, how- 
ever, was to win back Lotharingia from the eastern king- 
dom. At last Henry returned and made his submission to 
his brother ; but before long he joined with the Archbishop 

20 European History ^ 918-1273 

of Mainz in a plot to murder the king. This nefarious 
design was equally unsuccessful, and Henry, under the 
influence of his pious mother, sought for the forgiveness of 
his injured brother. At the Christmas feast of 941 a recon- 
ciliation was effected. The troubles for the season were 

Otto now sought to establish his power over the nations 
by setting up members of his own family in the vacant 
Thereorgani- duchics. Franconia he kept henceforth in his 
sationofuie own hands, wearing the Prankish dress and 
^^ *"' ostentatiously following the Frankish fashions. 
Over Lotharingia he finally set a great Frankish noble, 
Conrad the Red, whom he married to his own daughter, 
Liutgarde. The reconciled Henry was made Duke of 
Bavaria, and married to Judith, the daughter of the old 
Duke Arnulf. Swabia was intrusted to Otto's eldest son, 
Ludolf, who in the same way was secured a local position 
by a match with the daughter of the last duke. But the 
new dukes had not the power of their predecessors. Otto 
carefully retained the highest prerogatives in his own hands, 
and, by the systematic appointment of Counts Palatine to 
watch over the interests of the crown, revived under another 
name that central control of the local administration which 
had, at an earlier period, been secured by the Carolingian 
missi dominici. 

The new dukes soon fell into the ways of their predeces- 
sors. They rapidly identified themselves with the local 
traditions of their respective nations, and quickly 
The Second forgot the tics of blood and duty that bound 
Civil War, tjjgjn tQ King Otto. Henry of Bavaria and 
Ludolf of Swabia soon took up diametrically 
different Italian policies, and their intervention on different 
sides in the struggle between the phantom Emperors, that 
claimed to rule south of the Alps, practically forced upon 
Otto a policy of active interference in Italy. Ludolf was 
intensely disgusted that his father backed up the Italian 

Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto 1. 21 

policy of Henry, and began to intrigue with Frederick of 
Mainz, Otto's old enemy. Conrad of Lotharingia joined the 
combination. Even in Saxony, the enemies of Hermann 
Billung welcomed the attack on Otto. At last in 953 a 
new civil war broke out which, like the troubles of 938, was 
in essence an attempt of the ' nations ' to resist the growing 
preponderance of the central power. But the rebels were 
divided among each other, and partisans of local separatism 
found it doubly hard to bring about an effective combination. 
The restless and turbulent Frederick of Mainz died during 
the struggle. Conrad and Ludolf made their submission. 
A terrible Hungarian inroad forced even the most reluctant 
to make common cause with Otto against the barbarians. 
But the falling away of the dukes of the royal house had 
taught Otto that some further means were necessary, if he 
desired to continue his policy of restraining the ' nations * in 
the interest of monarchy and nation as a whole. That fresh 
support Otto found in the Church, the only living unity out- 
side and beyond the local unities of the five nations. 

Even King Henry had found it necessary, before the end 
of his reign, to rely upon ecclesiastical support, especially in 
his efforts to civilise the marks. There the fortified ^j^^ 
churches and monasteries became, like the new organisation 
walled towns, centres of defence, besides being °^**^* Marks, 
the only homes of civilisation and culture in those wild 
regions. But King Henry had not removed the danger of 
Wendish invasion, and the civil wars of Otto's early years 
gave a new opportunity for the heathen to ravage the German 
frontiers. In the midst of Otto's worst distress, Hermann 
Billung kept the Wends at bay, and taught the Abotrites and 
Wagrians, of the lands between the lower Elbe and the Baltic, 
to feel the might of the German arms. His efforts were ably 
seconded by the doughty margrave, Gero, of the southern 
Wendish mark. By their strenuous exertions the Slavs were 
for the time driven away from German territory, and German 
rule was extended as far as the Oder, so that a whole ring 

22 European History, 918-1273 

of organised marchlands protected the northern and eastern 
frontiers. These marks became vigorous military states, pos- 
sessing more energy and martial prowess than the purely 
Teutonic lands west of the Elbe, and destined on that 
account to play a part of extreme prominence in the future 
history of Germany. Owing their existence to the good-will 
and protection of the king, and having at their command 
a large force of experienced warriors, the new margraves 
or counts of the marches, who ruled these regions, gradually 
became almost as powerful as the old dukes, and, for the 
time at least, their influence was thrown on the side of the 
king and kingdom. Under their guidance, the Slav peasantry 
were gradually Christianised, Germanised, and civilised, 
though it took many centuries to complete the process. Even 
to this day the place-names in marks like Brandenburg and 
Meissen show their Slavonic origin, and a Wendish-speaking 
district still remains in the midst of the wholly German- 
ised mark of Lausitz. To these regions Otto applied King 
Henry's former methods on a larger scale. Walled towns 
became centres of trade, and refuges in times of invasion. 
Monasteries arose, such as Quedlinburg, and that of St. 
Maurice, Otto's favourite saint, at Magdeburg. A whole 
series of new bishoprics — Brandenburg and Havelberg, in the 
Wendish mark ; Aarhus, Ripen, and Schleswig, in the Danish 
mark — became the starting-points of the great missionary 
enterprise that in time won over the whole frontier districts 
to Christianity. Hamburg became the centre of the first 
missions to Scandinavia. Never since the days of Charles the 
Great had the north seen so great an extension of religion 
and culture. There was many a reaction towards heathenism 
and barbarism before the twelfth century finally witnessed the 
completion of this side of Otto's work. 

The Hungarians were still untamed, and, profiting by 
the civil war of 953, they now poured in overwhelming 
numbers into south Germany, But the common danger was 
met by common action. On loth August 955, Otto won 

Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 23 

a decisive victory on the Lechfeld, near Augsburg, at the 
head of an army drawn equally from all parts of Germany, 
and including among its leaders Conrad the Red, -j-he battle 
the former Duke of Lorraine, who died in the on the 
fight. This crushing defeat damped the waning ^"^ * '^^' 
energies of the Magyars, and the carrying out of the same 
policy against them that had been so successful against their 
northern neighbours resulted in the setting up of an east 
mark (the later Austria), which carried German civilisation 
far down the Danube, and effectually bridled the Magyars. 
In these regions Henry of Bavaria did the work that Hermann 
Billung and Gero were doing in the north. The final defeat 
of the barbarian marauders, and the wide extension of German 
territory through the marks, are among Otto's greatest titles 
to fame. Moreover, Otto forced the rulers of more distant 
lands to acknowledge his sovereignty. In 950 he invaded 
Bohemia, and forced its duke, Boleslav, to do him homage. 
Nor did he neglect the affairs of the more settled regions 
of the west. Already in 946 he had marched through north 
France as far as the frontiers of Normandy, striking vigorous 
blows in favour of the Carolingian Louis iv. — who had 
married his daughter Gerberga, Duke Giselbert's widow — 
against his other son-in-law, Hugh the Great, the head of the 
rival Robertian house [see page 69]. He also took under his 
protection Conrad the Pacific, the young king of the Arelate. 
In civilising the marks Otto had striven hard to use 
the Church to secure the extension of the royal power. 
But the lay nobles were not slow to see that Otto's 
trust in bishops and abbots meant a lessening q^^^. 
of their influence, and resented any material ecciesiasti- 
extension of ecclesiastical power. The Saxon *^* poi»cy- 
chieftains — half-heathens themselves at heart — did their 
very best to prevent the Christianisation of the Wends, 
knowing that it would infallibly result in a close alliance 
between the crown and the new Christians against their 
old oppressors. Even the churchmen of central Germany 


European History, 918-1273 

watched Otto's policy with a suspicious eye. Typical of 
this class is Archbishop Frederick of Mainz, the centre of 
every conspiracy, and the would-be assassin of his sovereign. 
If his policy had prevailed, the Church would have 
become a disruptive force of still greater potency than 


showing the growth of the pro^ances Magdeburg and Hamburg -Bremen. 


yPROV. ( St.uayeii ^ f 

-.'" c=ffe""ot^AQUILEIA/ 

Heathen -HiffilW HMupri-' .5 
Ardibithoprini Montulerkt o 

the dukedoms. But a new school of churchmen was 
growing up willing to co-operate with Otto. His youngest 
brother, Bruno, presided over his chancery, and made 
the royal palace as in Carolingian times the centre of the 
intellectual life of Germany. Bruno 'restored,' as we are 

Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 25 

told, 'the long-ruined fabric of the seven liberal arts,' and, 
like our Alfred, was at the same time the scholar and the 
statesman. From his efforts sprang that beginning of the 
general improvement of the German clergy that made possible 
the imperial reformation of the Papacy. Moreover, Bruno 
carried out a reform of discipline and of monastic life that soon 
made Germany a field ripe to receive the doctrines that were 
now beginning to radiate from Cluny to the remotest parts of the 
Christian world. Side by side with the religious revival came 
the intellectual revival that Bruno had fostered. Widukind of 
Corvey wrote the annals of the Saxons; the abbess Hrotswitha 
of Gandersheim sang Otto's praises in Latin verse, and wrote 
Latin comedies, in which she strove to adopt the methods of 
Terence to subjects chosen in order to enhance the glories 
of religious virginity. The literary spirit touched Otto himself 
so far that he learnt to read Latin, though he never succeeded 
in talking it. Under Bruno's care grew up a race of clerical 
statesmen, far better fitted to act as Otto's ministers than the 
lay aristocracy with its insatiable greed, ruthless cruelty, and 
insufferable arrogance. It now became Otto's policy, since 
he had failed to wrest the national duchies to subserve his 
policy, to fill up the great sees with ministerial ecclesiastics 
of the new school. The highest posts were reserved to 
his own family. His faithful brother, Bruno, became Arch- 
bishop of Cologne, and was furthermore intrusted with the 
administration of Lotharingia. Otto's bastard son, William, 
succeeded the perfidious Frederick as Archbishop of Mainz. 
Otto now stood forth as the protector of the clergy against the 
lay nobles, who, out of pure greed, were in many cases aiming 
at a piecemeal secularisation of ecclesiastical property. The 
incapacity of a spiritual lord to take part in trials affecting life 
and limbs had already led to each bishop and abbot, who 
possessed feudal jurisdiction, being represented by a lay 
' Vogt' {advocatus) in those matters with which he was himself 
incompetent to deal. The lay nobles sought to make their 
'advocacy' the pretext of a gradual extension of their power 

26 European History, 918-1273 

until the bishop or abbot became their mere dependant. But 
this course was not to the interest of the crown. If the 
domains of the crown were to be administered by the local 
magnates or to be alienated outright, if the jurisdiction of the 
crown was to be cut into by grants of immunities to feudal 
chieftains, it was much better that these should be put into 
spiritual rather than into secular hands. Otto therefore posed 
as the protector and patron of the Church. Vast grants of 
lands and immunities were made to the bishops and abbots, 
and the appointment to these high posts, or at least the in- 
vestiture of the prelates with the symbols of their office, 
was carefully kept for the king. The clergy, who in the 
day? of Henry had feared lest the king should lay hands on 
their estates, joyfully welcomed Otto's change of front. It 
was not clear to them as it was to Otto, that the royal favour 
to the Church was conditional on the Church acting as the 
chief servant of the State. Otto would brook no assertion of 
ecclesiastical independence, such as had of old so often set 
bounds to the empire of the Carolings. He desired to attach 
the Church to the State by chains of steel ; but he carefully 
gilded the chains, and the German clergy, who were neither 
strong theologians nor sticklers for ecclesiastical propriety, 
entered as a body into that dependence on the throne which 
was to last for the best part of a century, and which was in 
fact the indispensable condition of the power of the Saxon 
kings in Germany. The unity of the Church became as in 
England the pattern of the unity of the State, and in a land 
which had no sense of civil unity, Saxon and Frank, Lorrainer 
and Bavarian were made to feel that they had common ties 
as citizens of the Christian commonwealth. 

The first efforts of Otto towards the conciliation and sub- 
jection of the clergy were surprisingly successful. He next 
Resistance ^o^med a schcmc of withdrawing eastern Saxony 
of William and the VVendish march from obedience to the 
of Maim. Archbishop of Mainz, and setting up a new Arch- 
bishop of Magdeburg as metropolitan of these regions. It 

Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 27 

was a well-designed device to give further unity to those 
warlike and loyal regions upon which Otto's power was 
ultimately based. But his own son, Archbishop William, 
violently opposed a scheme which deprived the see of Mainz 
of the obedience of many of its suffragans. William's repre- 
sentations to Rome induced the Pope to take no steps to 
carry out Otto's plan. The king was deeply incensed, but 
the check taught him a lesson. He learnt that after all, the 
German Church was not self contained or self-sufficing. Over 
the German Church ruled the Roman Pope. He could only 
ensure the obedience of the German Church by securing the 
submission or the co-operation of the head of the Christian 
world. So long as the Pope was outside his power, Otto's 
dream of dominating Germany through churchmen seemed 
likely to end in a rude awakening. To complete this aspect 
of his policy required vigorous intervention in Italy. 

The condition of Italy had long been one of deplorable 
anarchy. After the death of the Emperor Berengar in 924 
had put an end to the best chance of setting up a national 
ItaUan kingdom, things went from bad to worse. The 
Saracens, having plundered its coasts, settled down in its 
southern regions side by side with the scanty remnants of the 
Byzantine power. Thus all southern Italy was withdrawn 
altogether from the sphere of western influence. But in 
the centre and north things were far worse. The inroads of 
the barbarians were but recently over, and had left their 
mark behind in poverty, famine, pestilence and disorder. 
Great monasteries like Subiaco and Farfa were in ruins. 
The Hungarians had penetrated to the heart of central Italy. 
The Saracens from their stronghold of Freinet, amidst the 
' mountains of the Moors ' of the western Riviera, had 
devastated Provence, and had held possession of the passes 
of the Alps. If the growth of feudalism, with g^^^^ ^^ 
its permanent military system and its strong itaiy, 
castles, had already repelled the barbarians, the ^^^'^^o. 
price paid for deliverance was the cutting up of sovereignty 

28 European History^ 918-1273 

among a multitude of petty territorial lords. The rising tide 
of feudal anarchy had almost overwhelmed the city civilisation 
which had been, since Roman times, the special feature of 
Italian life. A swarm of greedy feudal counts and marquises 
struggled against each other for power, and a series of phantom 
Emperors reduced to an absurdity the once all-powerful name 
of Caesar. There was still a nominal Italian or Lombard 
king, who claimed the suzerainty over all northern and central 
Italy. But in their zeal for local freedom, the Italians had en- 
couraged quarrels for the supreme power. ' The Italians,' said 
Liutprand of Cremona, ' always wish to have two masters, in 
order to keep the one in check by the other.' After the death 
of the Emperor Berengar, in 924 [see Period i. pp. 463-7], 
Rudolf of Burgundy reigned for nearly three years. On his 
fall in 926, Hugh of Provence was chosen his successor, and 
held the name at least of king till his death in 946. There 
then arose two claimants to the Italian crown — Lothair, son 
of Hugh of Provence, and Berengar, Marquis of Ivrea, the 
grandson of the Emperor Berengar. Neither was strong 
enough to defeat the other, and both looked for help from 
the warlike Germans. It is however significant that they 
sought support, not from the distant Saxon king, but 
from the neighbouring dukes of Swabia and Bavaria, whose 
dominions extended to the crest of the Alps. Lothair begged 
the help of Ludolf of Swabia, while Berengar called in Henry 
of Bavaria. The latter gave the most efficient assistance, and 
Lothair in despair was negotiating for help from Constantinople 
when he was cut off by death (950), leaving his young and 
beautiful widow, Adelaide of Burgundy, to make what re- 
sistance she might to Berengar of Ivrea. But there was no 
chance of a woman holding her own in these stormy times, 
and Adelaide was soon a prisoner in the hands of the victorious 
marquis. She naturally looked over the Alps to her German 
friends and kinsfolk, and both Ludolf and Henry, already on 
the verge of war on account of their former differences as to 
Italian policies, were equally willing to come to her assistance. 

Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 29 

Henry now raised pretensions to the great city of Aquileia and 
the north-eastern comer of the Italian peninsula. He now 
aspired, as the protector of Adelaide, his former foe, to unite 
the Bavarian duchy with the Italian kingdom. Ludolf, more 
active than his uncle, appeared in the valley of the Po intent 
on a similar mission. Otto, ever on the watch to prevent the 
extension of the ducal powers, saw with dismay the prospect 
of his brother's or son's aggrandisement. He resolved by 
prompt personal intervention to secure the prize for himself. 

In 951, Otto successfully carried out his first expedition to 
Italy. He met with no serious resistance, and on 23rd Septem- 
ber entered in triumph in to Pavia, the old capital of q^^^^ j^j^^^ 
the Lombard kings. Adelaide was released from of itaiy, 
her captivity, and appeared in Pavia. Otto, who ^^^' 
was now a widower, forthwith married her, assumed the 
crown of Italy, and fruitlessly negotiated with the Pope 
to bring about his coronation as Emperor. But Otto soon 
crossed the Alps, leaving Conrad of Lorraine to carry on 
war against Berengar. Next year, however, a peace was 
patched up. Berengar was recognised as vassal king of Italy, 
with Otto as his overlord, and the lands between the Adige 
and Istria — the mark of Verona and Aquileia — were confirmed 
to Duke Henry, who thus drew substantial advantage from 
his brother's intervention. The revolt of Ludolf and Conrad 
in 953 was largely due to their disgust at Otto's vigorous and 
successful defeat of their schemes. 

Nine years elapsed before Otto again appeared in Italy. 
Though he needed the help of the Papacy more than ever, 
its condition was not one that could inspire much p^sj^j^n ^^ 
hope. It was the period of the worst degradation the Papacy, 
into which the Roman See ever fell. For more 9^4-960. 
than a generation the Popes had almost ceased to exercise 
any spiritual influence. The elections to the Papacy had 
been controlled by a ring of greedy and corrupt Roman 
nobles, conspicuous among whom was the fair but dissolute 
Theodora and her daughters Marozia, wife of the Marquis 

30 European History, 918-1273 

Alberic 1. of Camerino, and the less important Theodora the 
younger. Imperialist partisans like Liutprand of Cremona 
have drawn the character of these ladies in the darkest and 
most lurid colours ; but, allowing for monastic exaggeration, 
it is hard to see how the main outlines of the picture can be 
untrue. With all their vices, they did not lack energy. Pope 
John X. (914-928), an old lover and partisan of Theodora, 
was not destitute of statecraft, and did much to incite the 
Italians to drive away the Saracens of the south ; but, 
quarrelling with Marozia, he had to succumb to her second 
husband, (iuido. Marquis of Tuscany. After John's death 
in prison in 928, Marozia became mistress of Rome, and 
made and unmade Popes at her pleasure. She married as 
her third husband, Hugh of Provence, the nominal king of 
the Italians, and procured the election of her second son, a 
youth of twenty, to the Papacy, under the name of John xi. 
About 932 her elder son, Alberic 11., a strong, unscrupulous 
but efficient tyrant, whose character found many parallels in 
later Italian history, drove his father-in-law out of Rome, 
and reduced the city to some sort of order under his 
own rule. His policy seems to have been to turn the patri- 
mony of St. Peter into an aristocratic republic, controlled by 
his house, and leaving to the Pope no functions that were not 
purely spiritual. He took the title of ' Prince and Senator 
of all the Romans.' He kept his brother. Pope John xi. 
(931-936), and the subsequent Popes, in strict leading- 
strings, and retained his power until his death in 954. His 
dreams of hereditary power seemed established when his 
young son Octavian succeeded him as a ruler of Rome, 
and in 955 also ascended the papal throne as John xii. 
John XII., But the new Pope, who thus united the ecclesi- 
9i55-964- astical with the temporal lordship of Rome, 
looked upon things purely with the eye of a skilful but 
unscrupulous statesman. His great ambition was to make 
his house supreme throughout middle Italy, and he soon 
found that King Berengar, whose claims grew greater now 

Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 3 1 

that Otto was back beyond the Alps, was the chief obstacle 
in the way of carrying out his designs. He therefore appealed 
to Otto for aid against Berengar. In 957 Ludolf of Swabia 
was sent by his father to wage war against Berengar, but, 
after capturing Pavia, Ludolf was carried off by fever, and 
Berengar then resumed his successes. In 960 John sent an 
urgent appeal to Otto to come to his assistance. 

Otto had, as we have seen, long felt the need of the 
support of the Papacy in carrying out his schemes over the 
German Church. The wished-for opportunity of effecting a 
close alliance with the head of the Church was now offered by 
the Pope himself, and the monastic reformers, disciples of 
Bruno, or of the new congregation of Cluny, urged him to 
restore peace and order to the distracted Italian Church. 
In 961 Otto procured the election and coronation otto crowned 
of Otto, his young son by Adelaide, as king of the Emperor, 962. 
Germans. In August he marched over the Brenner at the 
head of a stately host. On 31st January 962 he entered 
Rome. On 2nd February he was crowned Emperor by 
John XII. 

The coronation of Otto had hardly among contemporaries 
the extreme importance which has been ascribed to it by later 
writers. Since the fall of the Carolingians there 

, , , . , , , . , Consequences 

had been so many nonimal emperors that the title of the revival 
in itself could not much affect Otto's position, of the Roman 
Neither was the assumption of the imperial *" 
title the starting-point so much as the result of Otto's 
intervention in Italy. But the name of Roman Emperor, when 
assumed by a strong prince, gave unity and legitimacy to 
Otto's power both over Germany and Italy. And in Germany 
no less than in Italy there was no unity outside that which 
adhered to the Roman tradition. Yet the imperial title made 
very little difference in the character and policy of Otto. He 
never sought, like Charles the Great, to build up an imperial 
administrative system or an imperial jurisprudence. Even in 
Germany there was still no law but the local laws of the five 

32 European History, 918-1273 

nations. And there was no effort whatever made to extend 
into Italy the rude system on which Otto based his power in 
Germany. Still the combination of the legitimacy of the 
imperial position with the strength of the Teutonic kingship 
did gradually bring about a very great change, both in Germany 
and Italy, though it was rather under Otto's successors than 
under Otto himself that the full consequences of this were 
felt. Yet Otto was the founder of the mediaeval ' Holy Roman 
Empire of the German Nation,' and the originator of that 
close connection of Germany with Italy on which both the 
strength and the weakness of that Empire reposed. Modern 
Germans have reproached him for neglecting the true 
development of his German realm in the pursuit of the 
shadow of an unattainable Empire. The criticism is hardly 
just to Otto, who was irresistibly led into his Italian policy 
by the necessities of his German position, and who could 
hardly be expected to look, beyond the immediate work 
before him, to far-off ideals of national unity and national 
monarchy that were utterly strange to him and to his age. 
Otto came into Italy to win over the Pope to his side. He 
looked upon his Roman coronation as mainly important, 
because it enabled him to complete his subjection of the 
German Church with the help of his new ally Pope John. 

The first result of the alliance of Pope and Emperor was 
the completion of the reorganisation of the German Church 
for which Otto had been striving so long. The Pope held 
a synod at St. Peter's, in which Otto's new archbishopric of 
Magdeburg was at last sanctioned. But Otto, who looked 
upon the Pope as the chief ecclesiastic of his Empire, was as 
ottQ.g anxious to limit Roman pretensions as he had been 

motives. to curb the power of the see of Mainz. He issued 
a charter which, while confirming the ancient claims of the 
Papacy to the whole region in middle Italy that had been 
termed so long the patrimony of St Peter, reserved strictly 
the imperial supremacy over it. He provided that no Pope 
should be consecrated until he had taken an oath of fealty 

Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 33 

to the Emperor. The Pope was thus reduced, like the 
German bishops, to a condition of subjection to the state. 

Otto now left Rome to carry on his campaign against 
Berengar, who had fled for refuge to his Alpine castles. 
John XII. now took the alarm, and quickly allied quo's later 
himself with his old foe against his new friend. Italian policy 
Otto marched back to Rome, and in 963 held a 962-973- 
synod, mostly of Italian bishops, in which John was deposed 
for murder, sacrilege, perjury, and other gross offences, and a 
new Pope set up, who took the name of Leo viii., and who 
was frankly a dependant of the Emperor. John escaped 
to his strongholds, 'hiding himself like a wild beast in the 
woods and hills,' and refusing to recognise the sentence passed 
upon him. The need of fighting Berengar again forced Otto 
to withdraw from Rome. During his absence the fickle 
citizens repudiated his authority, and called back John. But 
hardly was the youthful Pope restored to authority than he 
suddenly died in May 964. His partisans chose at once as his 
successor Benedict v. 

Otto now hurried back to Rome, and attended a synod, 
held by Leo viii., which condemned Benedict and reaffirmed 
the claims of Leo. There was no use in opposing the mighty 
Emperor, and Benedict made an abject submission. Sinking on 
his knees before Otto, he cried, ' If I have in anywise sinned, 
have mercy upon me.' He was banished beyond the Alps, 
and died soon afterwards. His fall made patent the 
dependence of the Papacy on Otto. A last revolt of the 
Romans was now sternly suppressed. When Otto, flushed 
with triumph, marched northwards against Berengar, Leo's 
successor, John xiii., humbly followed in his train. The 
young king Otto now crossed the Alps, and accompanied 
his father on a fresh visit to Rome, where, on Christmas day 
967, John xiii. crowned him as Emperor. Henceforth 
father and son were joint rulers. Otto had done his best 
to make both German kingdom and Roman Empire 


34 European History, 918-1273 

The last years of Otto's reign were full of triumph. Secure 
in the obedience of the Church, he ruled both Germany 

and Italy with an ever-increasing authority. The 
imperial Magdeburg archbishopric received new suffragans 

position, in the sees of Zeiz, Meissen, and Merseburg. A 

new era of peace and prosperity dawned. The 
German dukes were afraid to resist so mighty a power. The 
division of Lotharingia into the two duchies of Upper and 
Lower Lorraine which now took place was the first step in the 
gradual process that soon began to undermine the unity of the 
traditional ' nations ' of the German people. Beyond his 
Teutonic kingdom the kings of the barbarous north and 
east paid Otto an increasing obedience. The marauding 
heathens of an earlier generation were now becoming 
settled cultivators of the soil. Christian and civilised. Their 
dukes looked up to Otto as an exemplar of the policy 
which they themselves aspired to realise. The dukes of 
Poland and Bohemia performed homage to Otto as Emperor. 
Ambassadors from distant lands, France, Denmark, Hungary, 
Russia, and Bulgaria, flocked around his throne. He 
intervened with powerful effect in the West Prankish king- 
dom. He aspired to the domination of southern Italy, 
and, having won over to his side the powerful Pandulf, 
prince of Capua and Benevento, he enlarged that prince's 
dominions and erected them into a mark to withstand the 
assaults of the Arabs and Greeks of southern Italy. But 
while waging war against the Mohammedans, Otto was 
anxious to be on good terms with the Romans of the East. 
The accession of John Zimisces to the Eastern Empire [see 
pages 161-162] gave Otto his opportunity. The new lord of 
Constantinople offered the hand of Theophano, daughter of 
Marriage of his prcdccessor Romanus ii., as the bride of the 
the young young Otto II., with Greek Italy as her marriage 
Theophano, portioH. The Emperor welcomed the opportunity 
«7*- to win peacefully what he had sought in 

vain to acquire by war. Early in 972 Theophano was 

Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 


crowned by John xiii. at Rome, and immediately afterwards 
married to the young Emperor. The gorgeous festivities 
that attended this union of East and West brought clearly 
before the world the reality of Otto's power. 

Otto was now growing old, and had outlived most of his 
fellow-workers. His brother Henry had died soon after the 
battle on the Lechfeld. His bastard son William had already 
sunk into a premature grave. Now came the news of the 
death of the faithful Hermann Billung. In the spring of 973 
Otto went on progress for the last time through -^^^^^ ^ 
his ancestral domains on the slopes of the Harz. otto i., 
Death came upon him suddenly as he was cele- ^^' 
brating the Whitsuntide feast in his palace at Memleben. 
He was buried beside his first wife, the English Edith, in his 
favourite sanctuary of St. Maurice of Magdeburg, raised by 
his care to metropolitan dignity. His long and busy life 
had not only restored some sort of peace and prosperity to 
two distracted nations, but his policy had begun a new 
development of western history that was to last nearly three 
centuries, and was to determine its general direction up to 
the Reformation. He had built up a mighty state in an age 
of anarchy. He had made Germany strong and peaceful, 
and the leading power of Europe. He had subjected the 
Church and pacified Italy. Under him the Roman Empire 
had again acquired in some real sense the lordship of the 
civilised world. 


Marozia tn. 


Alberic I., Marquis of Camerino 
GuiDO, Marquis of Tuscany 
Hugh, King of Italy 


Alberic ii. 
(d. 054) 

PoPB John xii. (Octavian) 


Pope John xi. 


(the younger) (?) 

Crescentius I. (Duke) 

Crrscbntics II. (Patrician) 

Crescentius hi. (Patrician) 





The rdgn of Otto 11.— Break-up of Bavaria— Projects of Crusade— War and 
Alliance with Greek Empire — The Reign of Otto iii. — Regency of 
Theophano and Bavarian Revolt — Otto and the Bishops — Gerbert of 
Aurillac — Visionary Schemes of Oito — His failure — Reign of Henry 11. — 
The two Conrads— Reign of Conrad 11.— His Italian and Slavonic Policy 
— Union of Arelate and Empire— Fiefs declared Hereditary — Aribert — 
Reign of Henry in.— His Policy in the East, France, Germany, and Italy 
— Synod of Sutri— Death of Henry ni. 

Otto ii. was eighteen years of age when the death of his 
father made him sole ruler. His education and surround- 
otto II., ings gave his policy a very different direction from 
973-983- that of Otto I. The elder prince was purely 
German, and even in winning the imperial crown sought 
to subserve a Teutonic object. His son, born and reared 
in the purple, Burgundian or Italian on his mother's side, 
and married to a Byzantine Emperor's daughter, took wider 
views. To Otto 11. Italy was as important as Germany, and 
his ambition was to weld the two realms together in a solid 
imperial unity, while constantly keeping his eyes even beyond 
these two kingdoms. To him the Emperor's lordship of the 
world was a reality, and he strove with all the force of an ardent, 
impetuous, and impulsive nature to give effect to his ideal. 
But while Otto 11. 's short reign witnessed the Empire assuming 
a more universal character, it also saw the first signs of that 
essential incompatibility between the position of German 

' For authorities sec note to chapter ii. 

The German Empire at the Height of its Power 37 

king and Roman Emperor which, in after ages, was to bear 
such bitter fruit. 

Despite the quietness of Otto i.'s last years, the difficulties 
against which the old Emperor had struggled still remained. 
The separatist spirit of the national dukedoms still lived on 
in Bavaria, and had only been temporarily glossed over by 
the good understanding between Otto i. and Duke Henry. 
Judith, the widow of Duke Henry, now ruled Bavaria in the 
name of her son Henry 11., surnamed the Quarrelsome, while 
she controlled Swabia through her influence on her daughter 
Hedwig, and Hedwig's aged husband, the Swabian Duke 
Burkhard. Otto 11. saw the danger of a close union between 
the two southern duchies, and, on Burkhard's deatli, invested 
his nephew Otto, Duke Ludolfs son, with Swabia. Judith and 
her partisans were instantly aroused. A new civil war was 
threatened, in which the Bavarians did not scruple to call in 
the help of the Bohemians and Poles. But the young Emperor's 
vigorous measures proved fatal to the attempted rebellion, 
and Otto took the opportunity of his triumph to Break-up of 
lessen the influence of the Bavarian dukes by the Bavarian 
intrusting, to separate margraves, the east mark, ^"<=**y> 976-8. 
on the Danube (the later Austria), and the north mark be- 
tween the Danube and the Bohemian Forest. The great 
highland marchland of Carinthia and Carniola, with which still 
went the Italian March of Verona, or Friuli, was constituted 
a seventh duchy. The rest of the Bavarian duchy was con- 
signed to the care of the faithful Otto of Swabia. Judith 
was shut up in a convent. Henry the Quarrelsome fled to 
Bohemia, whence he made subsequent unsuccessful attempts 
to recover his position. Thus the Emperor triumphed, but 
he had simply to do over again the work of his father. It 
was a thankless business, and showed how insecure were the 
very foundations of the German kingdom. But for the rest 
of his short reign Germany gave Otto but little trouble. The 
extension of Christianity among Wends, Poles, and Bohemians 
gave Magdeburg and Mainz new suffragaus in the Bishops 

38 European History, 918-1273 

of Gnesen and Prague, though renewed attacks on the 
marches soon taught Otto that the Christianised Slavs were 
scarcely less formidable enemies than their heathen fathers 
had been. 

In 978 Otto marched with a great army almost to the walls 
of Paris to avenge on the Carolingian king, Lothair, his 
War with attempt to withdraw Lorraine from the imperial 
France, 978. obedience [see page 70]. Few of his acts bring 
out more clearly his imperial position than this long progress 
through hostile territory. But Italy was the scene of Otto 11. 's 
most famous actions, and best illustrates his high conception 
of the imperial dignity. Rome was, as usual, a constant 
source of trouble. A series of insignificant Pontiffs succeeded 
John XIII. ; but above them towered the noble Roman, 
Crescentius Crescentius, Duke of the Romans, perhaps the 
at Rome, 980. gpn of the younger Theodora, Marozia's sister, who 
aspired to renew the great part played by Alberic 11. In 
980 Otto crossed the Alps for Italy, and on his approach the 
opposition was shattered. In 981 he restored the Pope to 
Rome, whence he had fled from fear of Crescentius, and 
forced Crescentius himself to withdraw into the seclusion of 
a monastery, where a few years later he died. The need of 
protection still kept the Papacy faithful to the imperial 

Otto now assumed new responsibilities directly flowing 
from his position as Emperor. The Mohammedan lords of 
Sicily had re-established themselves in southern Italy, and 
threatened the march of Benevento. Otto marched to the 
Campaign* help of the Lombard Duke of Benevento. At the 
against same time he sought to make a reality of the 

Greeks and ,- ^ , ▼ , i • j e 

Saracens, cession of Greek Italy, the promised portion of 
gSx-gSa. Theophano, but which, owing to the unwilling- 

ness of the Byzantines, had never actually come into his 
hands. In 981 and 982 Otto carried on successful war in 
southern Italy. A whole series of Greek towns — Salerno, 
Bari, Taranto— fell into his hands. In the summer of 982 

The German Empire at the Height of its Power 39 

Otto traversed the old road of Pyrrhus, along the Gulf 
of Taranto, and defeated the Arabs at Cotrone (the ancient 
Croton), slaying Abul Cassim, the Ameer of Sicily, in the 
fight. A few days later Otto fell into a Saracen ambush 
as he pursued his route along the narrow road between 
the Calabrian mountains and the sea. His army was almost 
destroyed, though he himself, after a series of remarkable 
adventures, succeeded in eluding his enemies. 

Germans and Italians vied with each other in their 
efforts to restore the Emperor's preponderance. In 983 a 
remarkable Diet assembled at Verona, in which the Diet of 
magnates of Germany and Italy sat side by side, Verona and 

, , , ^ ^ -^ . , , projected 

to show that the two realms constituted but one crusade, 
Empire. The spirit that a century later inspired 983. 
the Crusades first appeared in this remarkable assembly. 
It was resolved to follow the Emperor on a holy war against 
the Mussulmans. That the succession might be peacefully 
secured during his absence the magnates chose as their 
future ruler the little Otto, his three-years-old son by 
Theophano. Preparations were then made for the war 
against Islam. But the rising commercial city of Venice, 
jealous of the imperial policy, and already enriching itself 
by trade with the enemies of the Christian faith, refused to 
supply the necessary ships for an expedition against Sicily, 
the centre of the infidel power. Otto sought to block up 
the land approaches to the recalcitrant town, but, secure 
in her impregnable lagoons, Venice was able to defy the 
Emperor. The news of a Wendish invasion now came from 
Germany; and the disturbed condition of Rome again de- 
manded Otto's personal presence. There he laboured with 
feverish earnestness to prepare for his mighty task ; but there 
he was smitten with a sudden and deadly disease, 0^3^^ of 
that carried him off on 7th December 983. He otto 11., 
was only twenty-eight years old. His body was '^^' 
buried, as became a Roman Emperor, in the Church of St. 
Peter's. The difficulties which had proved almost too much 

40 European History, 918-1273 

for the strong and capable grown man, were now to be faced, 
as best they might be, by his young widow Theophano, the 
regent of the new lord of the world, a child scarcely four 
years of age. 

The German Empire rested almost entirely on the warlike 
character of its head, and any failure of the central military 
power involved the gravest evils. A wave of heathen re- 
action burst from the Wendish and Danish lands into the 
very heart of the Saxon Empire. In the south, Islam, excited 
by the threatened Crusade, menaced the centre of the Christian 
world. It seemed as if the Empire of the Ottos was on the 
verge of dissolution, when Henry the Quarrelsome, the deposed 
Revolt of Duke of Bavaria, came back, and, by claiming the 
Henry of regency from Theophano, added the terrors of 
Bavaria, 984. internal discord to those of barbarian invasion. 
At first Henry made good progress, and, advancing in his 
claims, began to covet the crown itself. The Dukes of Poland 
and Bohemia paid him homage, and Lothair of France eagerly 
supported him. It was more important that Henry had 
won over many of the bishops, who, as the natural result of 
Otto i.'s policy, had the balance of power in their hands. 
He also secured the person of the young Otto iii. But, as 
the Archbishop of Magdeburg favoured Henry, the lay nobles 
of the Wendish mark, who hated their clerical supplanters, 
and Archbishop Willegis of Mainz, who still looked with 
detestation on the mushroom primacy on the Elbe, declared 
for Theophano. The adhesion of the mass of the Saxon 
nation at last secured the victory of the Greek. Henry was 
forced to submit, and was pacified by being restored to his 
duchy of Bavaria. 

Otto III. owed his throne to the clergy. The influence of 
the bishops kept Germany quiet during the regency of 
Re encyof Thcophano. The fall of the last of the West 
Theophano, Frankish Carolingians, and the accession of 
983-99«- Hugh Capet in 987, prevented any further 

danger from the French side, while on the east, the Margrave 

The German Empire at the Height of its Power 41 

Eckhard of Meissen hurled back the Slavonic invaders, and 
cleverly set the Bohemians and the Poles by the ears. 
Adelaide, Otto's grandmother, ruled Italy from the old 
Lombard capital of Pavia. She was less fortunate than her 
daughter-in-law, with whom, moreover, her relations were not 
cordial. Rome fell away almost altogether, so that a French 
synod at Reims (995) was able, with good reason, to denounce 
the scandals that degraded the Papacy, and to threaten that 
France, like the east, might be provoked into breaking off 
all connections with the See of Peter. John Crescentius, 
son of the man driven by Otto 11. into a cloister, renewed 
the policy of his father, and, taking the name of Patrician, 
ruled over Rome with little opposition. 

Theophano died in 991. No new regent was appointed, 
but a council of regency set up, prominent among its members 
being the Empress Adelaide, Willegis of Mainz, 
Eckhard of Meissen, and Henry, Duke of bishops and 
Bavaria, son and successor of Henry the Quarrel- education of 
some. The composition of this body was a °'^^ 
further proof of the extension of ecclesiastical influence. But 
an even more significant indication of this was the fact that 
the young king was brought up almost entirely under the 
direction of highly-placed churchmen. Willegis of Mainz, 
and Bernward, Bishop of Hildesheim, the future saint, were 
the two prelates most directly responsible for his education. 
The result was that, though the young king spent his early 
years amidst his fierce and half-barbarous Saxon subjects, he 
became still less of a German than Otto 11., and was pos- 
sessed by ideals that stand in the strongest contrast with 
those of his predecessors. Bernward caused him to be 
schooled in the best culture of his time, and gave him an abid- 
ing love of letters and learned men. He also strongly inspired 
the quick-witted and sympathetic youth with the ascetic views 
and the sacerdotal sympathies of the Cluniacs. Thus Otto 
became enthusiastically religious, and ever remained a devout 
pilgrim to holy places and seeker out of inspired anchorites 

42 European History, 918-1273 

and saints. Moreover, Otto inherited from Theophano all 
the high Byzantine notions of the sacredness of the Empire, 
and, seeking to combine the two aspects of his education, his 
mind was soon filled with glowing visions of a kingdom of 
God on earth, in which Pope and Emperor ruled in har- 
mony over a world that enjoyed perfect peace and idyllic 
happiness. Otto's ideals were generous, noble, and unselfish ; 
but in the iron age in which he lived they were hopelessly 
unpractical. The young king lived to become the ' wonder 
of the world ' and the 'renewer of the Empire.' But his early 
death came none too soon to hide the vanity of his ambitions. 
At best, he was the first of that long line of brilliant and 
attractive failures which it was the special mission of the 
mediaeval Empire to produce. 

In 996 Otto attained his legal majority, and crossed the 
Alps to seek his coronation at Rome as Emperor. The king 
, and his army marched as though bound on a 

coronation pilgrimage, or like the crusading hosts of a cen- 
at Rome, 996. ^^^ \aXQx. As they entered the Lombard plain, 
the news came that the Papacy was vacant, and a deputation 
of Romans, tired of the tyranny of Crescentius, begged Otto 
to nominate a new Pope. The young king at once appointed 
his cousin, Bruno, grandson of Conrad the Red and Liut- 
Gregory v., g^^de, daughter of Otto i., a youth of four-and- 
996-999- twenty, and a zealous champion of the Cluniacs, 

who took the name of Gregory v. On 25th May 996, Otto 
was crowned by Gregory at Rome. 

Pope and Emperor strove at once to embody their theories 
in acts. The proceedings of the anti-papal synod of Reims 
were annulled ; its nominee to the see of Reims, Gerbert of 
Aurillac, was forced to yield up his post to the worldly 
Arnulf that the synod strove in vain to depose. The whole 
French episcopate bowed in submission before the new Pope, 
and Gerbert soon repudiated his earlier teachings. The 
French king, Robert, was visited with the severest censures 
of the Church for contracting a marriage within the prohibited 

The German Empire at the Height of its Power 43 

degrees. The holy Adalbert, the apostle of Bohemia, but 
driven from his see of Prague by a pagan reaction, was 
sternly ordered to return to his bishopric, or, if that were 
impossible, to engage in a new mission to the heathen. 
Adalbert chose the latter alternative, and his early death 
at the hands of the heathen Prussians made him the proto- 
martyr of the new order that Otto and Gregory were striving 
to introduce. But while the two enthusiasts were busy in the 
regeneration of the universe, they were unable to maintain 
themselves in the very centre of their power. A new Roman 
rebellion brought back Crescentius. Only through p jj ^^ 
the help of the iron soldiery of the Saxon borders, Crescentius, 
headed by the valiant Eckhard of Meissen, could ^' 
Otto win back the Eternal City to his obedience. In 998 
Rome surrendered, and Crescentius atoned for his rebellion 
on the scaffold. 

An early death now cut off Gregory v., and Otto raised 
Gerbert of Aurillac ^ to the papal throne. Gerbert was quite 
the most remarkable man of his age. A poor Gerbert 
Frenchman of obscure birth from the uplands ««Auriiiac. 
of the centre, he received his first schooling in a cloister at 
his native Aurillac, where he took the monastic vows. 
Borrel, a pious Count of Barcelona, made his acquaintance 
while visiting Aurillac on a pilgrimage, and took him back 
with him to the Spanish march. There Gerbert abode some 
years, and there he acquired that profound knowledge of 
mathematics which had perhaps filtered into the march from 
the Mussulman schools of Cordova, and which gave him in 
the unlearned north a reputation for extraordinary learning, 
if not for magical skill. Ever eager for knowledge, he accom- 
panied his patron to Italy, and attracted the notice of Otto i. 
Finally he settled down at Reims, attracted by the fame of 

1 Havet's Lettres de Gerbert (Picard's * Collection de Textes '), with the 
editor's introduction, are a chief authority for Gerbert's history and policy. 
See also an article on Gerbert by Mr. R. Allen, in the English Historical 
/Review, vol. vii. pp. 625-668. 

44 European History, 918-1273 

a certain archdeacon who taught in the cathedral school. 
The good Archbishop Adalbero made Gerbert ' scholasticus ' 
of the school at Reims. Accompanying the archbishop 
to Italy, Gerbert received from Otto 11. the headship of 
Columban's old abbey of Bobbio, and speedily reformed its 
lax discipline. On Otto ii.'s death, the angry monks drove 
him away, and he went back to Reims and resumed his 
teaching as ' scholasticus.' He dominated the policy of the 
archbishop in the critical years that saw the accession of 
Hugh Capet to the French throne [see pages 70-71], but on 
Adalbero's death was ungratefully passed over by Hugh, 
whose interests procured the election of Amulf, an unlearned 
but high-born Carolingian, to the great see. A it'fi years 
later, Amulf was deposed by the synod of 995, and Gerbert 
put in his place. But Amulf still claimed to be archbishop, 
and Gerbert went to Italy to plead his cause with Gregory v. 
Finding his chances hopeless, he closely attached himself to 
Otto 111., with whom he had strong affinities in character. 
Gerbert loved pomp and splendour, was attracted by Otto's 
high ideals, and was of a pliant, complaisant, and courtier-like 
disposition. He was made Archbishop of Ravenna to com- 
pensate him for the loss of Reims. When elevated to the 
Papacy, he chose to call himself Sylvester 11. As Sylvester i. 
had stood to the first Christian Emperor, so would Sylvester 11. 
stand to the new Constantine. Under him the close alliance 
of Pope and Emperor was continued as fervently as during 
the lifetime of Gregory v. 

Otto's plans grew more mystical and visionary. Rome, 
and Rome alone, could be the seat of the renewed Empire, 
Visionary and Otto began the building of an imperial palace 
schemes of ^^ jj^g Avcntine on the site of the abode of the 

Otto and 

Sylvester II., early Caesars. He abandoned the simple life of a 
9»-»«>3. Saxon etheling, which had been good enough for 

his father and grandfather, and secluded his sacred person 
from a prying world by all the devices of Byzantine court- 
eiiquetle and Oriental exclusivencss. His court officials 

The German Empire at the Height of its Power 45 

dropped their old-fashioned Teutonic titles, and were renamed 
after the manner of Constantinople. The chamberlain became 
the Protovestiariusy the counsellor the logothetes, the generals 
were comites imperialis militice, and their subordinates proto- 
spatharii. The close union of the Pope and Emperor in 
a theocratic polity was still better illustrated by the institu- 
tion of iht Judices palatii ordinarii. They were of the mystic 
number of seven, ecclesiastics by profession, and were to act 
as supreme judges in ordinary times, but were also to ordain 
the Emperor (a new ceremony to be substituted for coronation) 
and to elect the Pope. But apart from its fantastic character, 
the whole policy of Otto depended upon a personal harmony 
between Pope and Emperor. Even under Otto himself this 
result could only be secured by the Emperor's utter subor- 
dination of his real interests to the pursuit of his brilliant 
but illusive fancies. 

Otto's cosmopolitan imperialism soon brought him in col- 
lision with Germany, and especially with the German Church. 
He set up a new archbishopric at Gnesen in opposition 
Poland, where reposed the relics of the martyred to otto in, 
Adalbert, and surrounded it with the mystical *" ermany. 
number of seven suffragans. In the same way, Sylvester, in re- 
cognising Stephen, the first Christian Duke of Hungary, as a 
king, established a Hungarian archbishopric at Gran. These 
acts involved a recognition of the national independence 
of Poland and Hungary. Wise as they were, they were 
resented in Germany as being directly counter to the 
traditional Saxon policy of extending German influence east- 
wards, by making the bishops subject to the German 
metropolitans at Magdeburg and Salzburg. The practical 
German bishops saw with disgust the Emperor giving 
up the very corner-stone of the policy of Henry and Otto i. 
The deep differences of sentiment came to a head in a petty 
dispute as to whether a new church for the nuns of Ganders- 
heim should be consecrated by Bernward of Hildesheim, the 
diocesan, who favoured Otto's fancies, or by the metropolitan 

4<5 European History^ 918-1273 

Willegis of Mainz, who bitterly lamented the outlandish ideas 
of his old pupil. Sylvester upheld Bernward, but the German 
bishops declared for Willegis, and paid no heed to the papal 
censures that followed quickly on their contumacy. They 
refused even to be present at the Councils in which Sylvester 
professed to condemn the Archbishop of Mainz. The German 
clergy were thus in open revolt from Rome, and they were, 
as we have seen, the leaders of the German nation. 

While the outlook was thus gloomy in Germany, the march 
of events in Italy gave but little encouragement to Pope and 
Br kdown ^'^P^^o^j ^^^ demanded the personal presence of 
of Otto's Otto, who had been forced to return to Germany 
system in jj^ jj^g ^^jj^ ^ope of appeasing the general opposi- 
tion to his policy. Before he crossed the Alps 
for the last time. Otto went to Aachen, and, if we can believe 
one of his followers' statement, visited the vaults beneath 
the venerable palace-chapel to gaze upon the corpse of 
Charles the Great, sitting as in life upon a throne, with 
crown on head and sceptre in hand. When he reached the 
south, he found to his dismay that lower Italy had fallen 
altogether from his obedience, and that even Tivoli, in the 
immediate neighbourhood of Rome, had rebelled against 
him. Otto made feverish efforts to restore his authority. 
He clamoured for Byzantine help, and begged for a Byzantine 
wife. He paid a flying visit to the Venetian lagoons, seeking 
for a fleet from the great Doge Peter Orseolo. But worse 
news now reached him. Rome itself now rose in revolt, and 
Otto, postponing in despair his warlike operations, could only 
find consolation in visits to the holy Romuald in his inac- 
cessible island hermitage amidst the swamps of Ravenna, and 
in the practice of penances, mortifications, and scourgings. 
Recovering his energy, he now sought to obtain an army from 
Germany to procure, as in the old days, the subjection of 
Italy; but it was the very moment of the crisis of the 
Gandersheim struggle, and no German help was forthcoming. 
A sharp fever now attacked Otto at the very moment of 

The Later Saxon dnd Early Saltan Emperors 47 

the collapse of all his plans. He died on 23rd January 
1002, at Paterno, near Rome, when only twenty-two years 
old. With him perished his lofty ambitions. Death of 
He had made himself the wonder of the world ; otto iii., 
but all that he had accomplished was to play the 
game of the high ecclesiastical party. The tendency of his 
policy, like the latter Carolings, was to subordinate the 
visionary Empire to the practical Papacy, thus exactly 
reversing the ideas of the great Saxons, and bringing out in 
its most glaring contrast the incompatibility of the union of the 
German kingship with the imperial claims to universal domi- 
nation. Within a year Sylvester 11. followed him to the tomb. 

For eighty years the Saxon kings and emperors had suc- 
ceeded from father to son, and even a minority had not 
broken down the tendency towards heredity which Henry 11., 
seemed rapidly divesting the German kingdom of ^°°^-^°^ 
the elective character which it had shared with the Empire 
itself. Otto iii.'s death without direct heirs now reminded 
the German magnates that they still could choose their king, 
and, in the absence of any strong claimant, there was a whole 
swarm of aspirants after the vacant dignity. The friends of 
the Saxon traditions, which Otto iii. had so violently set at 
naught, hoped for the election of the brave and experienced 
Eckhard of Meissen; but as Eckhard was travelling to the 
south to pursue his candidature, he was murdered to satisfy 
a private revenge. His removal secured the appointment of 
Henry, Duke of Bavaria, the son of Henry the Quarrelsome, 
and the nearest kinsman of competent age and position to 
the dead ruler. Thus the throne was retained in the hands 
of the Saxon house, though it now was held by a branch that 
had long attached itself to the traditions of its southern duchy. 
Bavarians, Lorrainers, and Franks accepted Henry at once ; 
the Saxons and Swabians only after a short hesitation. 

It was a great thing that the succession had been peaceably 
settled. Yet the new king had neither the power nor the 
energy of the Ottos. Raised to the throne by the great 

48 European History, 918-1273 

magnates, Henry II. never aspired to carry on the despotic 
traditions of the earlier Saxon kings, but thought to rule with 
the help of frequent Diets and Councils. He had more 
authority over the Church, and his personal piety and zeal 
for good works, in which he was well supported by his wife 
Cunigunde, procured for him in after times the name and re- 
putation of a saint, and in his own day kept him on good terms 
with the clergy, though he was never their slave. He used 
his bishops and abbots as instruments of his temporal rule, 
and systematically developed Otto iii.'s system of making the 
bishops and abbots the local representatives of the imperial 
power by granting them the position of Count over the 
neighbouring Gau. On one great matter he gave much 
offence to the German bishops. He set up a new bishop- 
Henry 11. "C ^* Bamberg in Franconia, laying in 1004 
and the the foundations of its new cathedral, and con- 
ferring on it such extensive privileges that 
every bishop in Germany was annoyed at the new prelate 
holding a position next after the archbishops, while the 
Archbishop of Mainz resented the merely nominal ties of 
obedience that bound the Bishop of Bamberg to him as his 
metropolitan. Henry was a friend of the Cluniac monks, 
and it was through his efforts that these zealous Church 
reformers first got a strong position in Germany. 

Henry had no trouble with the Hungarians, whose great 
king, St. Stephen, the founder of the settled Magyar state, 
Henry II. '^^^ ^^^ brothcr-inlaw and friend. But it was 
and the among his chief cares to uphold the old Saxon 
^'*^"" supremacy over the Slavs, which Otto 111. had 

generously or fantastically neglected. Poland was now a for- 
midable state, and its Duke Boleslav, who had become a terror 
to the marks before the death of Otto, aspired to build up 
a strong Slavonic power, and drive back the Germans over 
the Elbe. It was no longer the frontier warfare of the days 
after Otto the Great's victories. It was rather a stern fight 
between two vigorous nations^ in which Henry only won the 

The Later Saxon and Early Saltan Emperors 49 

upper hand after long and costly efforts. Even at the last 
he was forced to hand over the mark of Lausitz to the Poles, 
to be held as a fief of the German kingdom. Henry's laborious 
policy, his shrinking from great efforts, and his fixed resolve 
to concentrate himself on little objects within his reach, stand 
in the strongest contrast to the vast ambitions of his prede- 
cessor. Yet, in his slow and determined way, Henry brought 
back the German kingdom to a more national policy, and 
did much to restore the havoc wrought by Otto's vain 
pursuits of impossible ideals. As a German king, he was in 
no wise a failure, though he raised the monarchy to no new 
heights of power. 

Henry's success in Germany was closely connected with 
his failure in Italy. Under his cautious rule the plans of 
Otto III. were quickly lost sight of. On the death of Syl- 
vester II., the Papacy fell back into its old dependence on 
the local nobles. At first a third Crescentius, son of Otto iii.'s 
victim, assumed his father's title of Patrician, ruled Rome at 
his pleasure, and nominated two puppet Popes in succession. 
But a stronger power arose, that of the Counts of Tusculum. 
Before long a series of Tusculan Popes, set up by the good- 
will of these powerful lords, again degraded the Papacy, and 
threatened to deprive it of the obedience and respect of 
Europe. It was the same in the secular as Henry 11. 
in the spiritual sphere. Before the German sue- and itaiy. 
cession had been settled, Ardoin, Marquis of Ivrea, had 
got himself elected King of Italy, and held his own 
for many years against the partisans of Henry reinforced 
by German armies. In 1004 Henry went over the Alps, 
and submitted to be elected and crowned king at Pavia, 
though the Ottos had borne the Italian crown without con- 
descending to go through such formalities. Despite this 
Ardoin long maintained himself. At last, in 10 13, Henry 
went down to Italy again, and on 14th February 1014 re- 
ceived the imperial diadem from Pope Benedict viii. But no 
striking result followed this renewal of the Empire. Benedict, 


50 European History, 918-1273 

who was a zealous partisan of the Count of Tusculum, 
now sought, by advocacy of the Cluniac ideas, to maintain 
himself against an Antipope of the faction of Crescentius. 
In 1020 Benedict visited Germany to consecrate the cathedral 
of Bamberg, and signalised his visit by taking Henry's 
foundation under his immediate care. It seemed as if the 
old alliance of Papacy and Empire were renewed. Next 
year Henry crossed the Brenner at the head of a strong 
German army, which traversed all Italy, in three divisions, 
commanded respectively by Henry himself, the Patriarch of 
Aquileia, and the Archbishop of Cologne. But by the time 
the Lombard dukes of Capua and Salerno had made their 
submission, and Henry was marching through Apulia, a 
deadly sickness raged in his host and compelled its im- 
mediate retreat. Next year Henry was back in Germany. 
It is significant that the office of Count Palatine of Italy 
ceased to exist during his reign. The Emperor was no longer 
an effective ruler of the peninsula. 

In the latter years of his life Henry attached himself still 
more strongly to the Cluniac party, and, as with Otto in., his 
friendship for foreign priests brought him into renewed con- 
flict with the German bishops. Aribo, Archbishop of Mainz, 
led the opposition to Henry and Benedict But just as the 
conflict was coming to a head, Benedict viii. died (1024). 
He was quickly followed to the grave by Henry himself. 
With him perished the last king of the male stock of the 
Ludolfing dukes of Saxony. His dull and featureless reign 
was but a tame conclusion to the brilliant period of the 

The ecclesiastical differences that had troubled Germany 

during Henry ii.'s lifetime lay at the root of the party struggles 

The two that now raged round the appointment of his 

Conrads, succcssor. As in Henry's case, there was no 

*°^" specific candidate marked out by birth and 

special fitness for the choice of the German nation. The 

bishops, led by Aribo of Mainz and Burkhard of Worms. 

The Later Saxon and Early Saltan Emperors 5 1 

resolved to take full advantage of this freedom of election 
to prevent the accession of any prince inclined, like the 
late Emperor, to favour the spread of Cluniac ideas. They 
therefore urged the claims of Conrad of Swabia. Conrad 
was the great-grandson of Conrad the Red and his wife Liut- 
garde. Otto the Great's daughter, and consequently nephew 
of Pope Gregory v., and descended from the Ludolfings on 
the female side. Though only the possessor of part of his 
rich family estates in the Rhin eland, Conrad had made a 
lucky marriage with the widowed Gisela, Duchess of Swabia, 
the granddaughter of Conrad, king of Aries, and a descen- 
dant of the Carolingians. This gave him the guardianship 
of the young Duke Ernest of Swabia, Gisela's son by her 
former husband, and secured for him a leading position 
among the German magnates. Conrad was a valiant and 
experienced warrior, and an intelligent statesman, possess- 
ing a clear head and a strong will, resolutely bent on 
securing practical objects immediately within reach. He 
had persistently held aloof from the ecclesiastical policy of 
his predecessor, with whom he had been more than once 
in open feud. He was still more hostile to his cousin, Conrad, 
Duke of Carinthia, the son of another Conrad, a younger 
brother of his father Henry, who, through the caprice of their 
grandfather, had inherited the mass of the Rhenish estates 
of Conrad the Red, usurping the position of the elder line. 
This second Conrad was now the candidate of the Cluniac 
party against Conrad of Swabia. But the great prelates 
were still all-powerful ; despite the opposition of the 
Lorrainers, among whom Cluniac ideas had gained a firm 
hold, Conrad of Swabia was elected king. His path to the 
throne was made smooth by the generosity of his rival, 
who, at the last moment, abandoned his candidature, 
and voted for his cousin. Aribo of Mainz conrad 11. 
crowned Conrad in his own cathedral, regard- 1084-1039. 
less of the claims of the rival Archbishop of Cologne, the 
diocesan of Aachen, the proper place for the coronation 

52 European History, 918-1273 

But Aribo refused to confer the crown on Gisela, since the 
Church regarded her marriage with Conrad as irregular by 
reason of their affinity. Pilgrim of Cologne now saw his 
opportunity for making terms with the victor. He gave 
Gisela the crown which Aribo had denied her. Thus Conrad 
entered upon his reign with the support of all the leaders 
of the German nation. The younger Conrad remained 
faithful to his old rival; while his younger brother Bruno, 
who became Bishop of Toul, soon became one of the 
greatest supports of the new dynasty. 

When Conrad 11. became king, he found everything in 
confusion : but within two years of his accession he had in- 
itaiian fuscd a ncw Spirit and energy into every part of 
policy. hjs dominions. His first difficulty was with 
Lorraine, whose two dukes had opposed his election, and now 
refused to acknowledge its validity. They sought the help 
of King Robert of France, whose weak support availed them 
but little. Conrad soon put down their rebellion, and with 
almost equal ease quelled the revolt of his ambitious and 
unruly step-son, Ernest of Swabia. Germany was thus 
appeased, but Italy, where the imperial power had become 
very feeble in the later part of the reign of Henry 11., was 
still practically outside Conrad's influence. His authority 
was only saved from complete ruin by the policy of the 
Lombard bishops, who saw in the Emperor their best pro- 
tection against the proud and powerful lay aristocracy, and 
especially against the warlike margraves, who now aspired to 
renew the part played by Ardoin of Ivrea. But conscious 
that they did not possess sufficient strength to continue 
successfully a policy in which even Ardoin had failed, the 
leaders of the north Italian nobility looked elsewhere abroad 
for help to counterbalance the German soldiery of the 
Emperor. When King Robert of France rejected their 
advances, they found what they sought in William v., the 
Duke of Aquitaine and Count of Poitou, an aged and ex- 
perienced warrior, and a strong friend of the CInniacs, who 

The Later Saxon and Early Saltan Emperors 53 

hoped to find in Italy a suitable endowment for his young 
son William. This was the first occasion in which the policy 
of calling in the French to drive out the Germans was adopted 
by the Italians. But the times were not yet ripe for the inter- 
vention of a French prince in Italy. William crossed the 
Alps, but found that he could make but little progress against 
the vigorous opposition of the Lombard bishops, headed by 
Aribert of Milan, and tried to make up for his weakness 
in Italy by uniting himself with the Lorraine rebels, and 
by stirring up an anti-German party in the kingdom of Aries. 
But nothing came of his elaborate schemes, and in 1025 he 
went home in disgust. 

Early in 1026 Conrad crossed the Brenner, and in March 
received the Lombard crown from Aribert in the cathedral 
of Milan. Pavia, the old Lombard capital, shut 
its gates on the Emperor, who was thus unable to imperial 
be hallowed in the usual place. For a whole year coronation, 
Conrad remained in northern Italy, and gradually '°^' 
forced his enemies to make their submission. In the spring 
of 1027 the way to Rome at last lay open, and on Easter 
Sunday Conrad was crowned Emperor by Pope John xix. 
The function was one of the most striking and memorable 
ceremonies in the whole history of the mediaeval Empire. It 
was witnessed by two kings — Rudolf in., the last of the kings 
of Aries, and Canute of Denmark, the conqueror of Eng- 
land and Norway, then at Rome on a pilgrimage. But the 
clear head of Conrad was not in the least turned by the 
mystic rite. Content that his twofold coronation gave him 
a firm hold over Italy, he quickly recrossed the Alps and 
resumed his proper work as a German king, taking good 
care that there should be no clashing between his German 
and Italian interests. Before his return he visited southern 
Italy, and ensured the obedience of the Lombard dukes, 
who still guarded the frontier against the Greeks of Calabria. 

On his return to Germany, Conrad felt that his power was 
sufficiently secure to take steps towards retaining the Empire 

54 Europenn History, 91 8- 1 27 3 

in his own family. In 1028, he persuaded the magnates to 
elect, and Pilgrim of Cologne to crown, as his successor his 
Fall of Ernest ^l^cst son, Henry, who was but ten years of 
of swabia, age. This act roused the jealousy of the greater 
"^°' nobles, who found in Conrad's son-in-law, Ernest 

of Swabia, an eager champion of their views. Ernest again 
plunged into revolt; and when pardoned, at the instance 
of his mother the Empress, still kept up his close friendship 
with tlie open rebel, Werner of Kyburg, Count of the Thurgau, 
a district including the north-eastern parts of the modern 
Switzerland. In 1030 Conrad ordered Ernest to break off 
from all dealings with his friend, and, as a sign of his 
repentance, to carry out in person the sentence of outlawry 
and deprivation pronounced against him. Ernest refused to 
give up Werner, whereupon Conrad deprived him of his 
duchy. Bitterly incensed with his father-in-law, the young 
duke left the palace, and wandered from court to court, seeking 
help to excite a new rebellion. But Conrad was so strong 
that neither foreign prince nor discontented German noble 
would make common cause with Ernest. In despair he took 
to a wild robber life of adventure, lurking with a few faithful 
vassals amidst the ravines and woods of the Black Forest. 
Before the summer was out Ernest was overpowered and 
slain. His commonplace treason and brigandage were in 
after ages glorified in popular tales, that make his friend 
Werner a model of romantic fidelity, and he himself a gallant 
and chivalrous warrior. After his fall, Conrad reigned in 
peace over Germany. 

The inroads of the Hungarians and Poles now forced fresh 

wars on Conrad. In 1030 he waged a doubtful contest against 

Stephen of Hungary. In the succeeding years he 

Hungary ,. , -.ut.!-- 

and Poland, obtained great successes against the Poles, winning 
1030-1033. back in 1031 Lausitz and the other mark districts 
that Henry 11. had been forced to surrender to their king 
Boleslav, and compelling his successor Miecislav, in 1032, to 
do homage to him for the whole of his kingdom. But great 

The Later Saxon and Early Saltan Emperors 55 

as were Conrad's successes in the east, they were surpassed by 
his brilliant acquisition of a new kingdom in the west, where 
in 1032 he obtained the possession of the kingdom of Aries. 

The kingdom of Aries or Burgundy had fallen into evil 
days. During the long reigns of Conrad the Pacific (937-993) 
and Rudolf in. (993-1032) all power had fallen 

, . . Union of the 

mto the hands of the territorial magnates, and Areiatewith 
now the threatened extinction of the royal house *^^ Empire, 


seemed likely to plunge the Arelate mto worse 
confusion. Rudolf in. was old and childless, and had long 
sought to make arrangements to prevent the dissolution of his 
kingdom with his death. In 1007 he had concluded with 
Henry 11., his nephew, an agreement by which Burgundy was 
to fall on his death to the German monarch, but the Bur- 
gundian nobles had more than once forced him to renounce 
his treaty. An increasing sense of his powerlessness drew 
Rudolf, who was Gisela's uncle, more closely to Conrad 11. 
He hurried to Rome to be present at his coronation, and he 
trusted entirely to him for protection against his turbulent 
nobility. The contract of succession was renewed, and on 
Rudolf's death, in 1032, Conrad entered into possession of 
the Arelate. Count Odo of Champagne set himself up as 
a rival and national king, but the German portions of the 
Arelate favoured Conrad from the beginning. In 1033 he 
was chosen king, and crowned at Ueberlingen, near Con- 
stance; and in 1034 Odo was forced into submission, while 
Conrad triumphantly wore his crown at Geneva and received 
the homage of the lords of Burgundy. Henceforward the 
kingdom of Aries was indissolubly united with the Empire. 
Despite the small amount of power which even the strongest 
Emperors could exercise in the Arelate, the acquisition was 
one of no small importance. The Arelate was for the most 
part a Romance land, and its union with the Empire made the 
Empire less German, and, for some generations at least, pre- 
vented the natural tendency to union between France and the 
Burgundian lands from being carried out. Moreover, the 

$6 European History^ 918-1273 

acquisition of the Arelate, by virtue of a contract of succession, 
increased the already strong tendency towards hereditary 
monarchy in Germany and Italy. Again, Burgundy was .the 
chief home of the Cluniacs, and one very important con- 
sequence of its absorption by Conrad was a gradual increase 
of Cluniac influence all over the Empire. And most of all, the 
new-won kingdom was useful to the Emperors as acting as a 
sort of buffer-state to protect Italy from French interference. 
The attempt of William of Poitou had taught Conrad the 
necessity of thus guarding the Italian frontier. For the next 
few generations the acquisition of the Arelate made such 
projects more difficult. Supplementing the final adhesion of 
Lotharingia to the Eastern Kingdom, the lapse of the Arelate 
completed the absorption of the * Middle Kingdom ' in the 
German Empire. Of the threefold partition of Europe by 
the Treaty of Verdun in 843, only the ancient dominions 
of Charles the Bald — France, in the narrower sense — were 
outside the powers of the Emperor. Henceforth Conrad 
ruled not only all the lands that had gone in 843 to Louis 
the German, but also over the districts that had then fallen to 
the share of the Emperor Lothair. Two-thirds of the Caro- 
lingian Empire were thus concentrated under Conrad. 

Ten years of Conrad's rule had now brought the Holy 
Empire to a point of solid prosperity that was seldom 
surpassed. But Conrad saw that there were still 
benefice* great dangers inherent in his position, and fore- 
decUred most among these was the smallness of the num- 
ber of the feudal dignitaries with whom he had 
direct legal dealings. There were no longer indeed the five 
national dukedoms in their old united strength and dignity. 
There were no longer dukes of Franconia ; Lorraine was 
already divided into two distinct duchies, of Upper and 
Lower Lorraine. Swabia was showing signs of a similar 
tendency to bifurcation ; Bavaria, after the rearrangement of 
976, was in a much less imposing position than under the 
Saxon Emperors, and even in Saxony the margraves 

The Later Saxon and Early Saltan Emperors 57 

were a strong counterpoise to the more imposing but 
not more powerful dukes. In the last generations the 
more vigorous of the counts and margraves had shaken 
off their dependence on the dukes, and aspired to stand 
in immediate relations with the Emperor. Yet the whole 
drift of the time was towards feudalism, and towards 
making a limited number of tenants-in-chief, whether dukes, 
margraves or counts, the sole persons with whom the Emperor 
had any direct relations. Secure in their own hereditary 
tenure of their fiefs and allodial properties, the great lords of 
Germany claimed an absolute control over all their vassals. 
The old tie of national allegiance that bound every subject to 
his sovereign had fallen into neglect as compared with the 
new link of feudal dependence of vassal on lord. The leading 
tenants-in-chief considered that their powers over their vassals 
were so absolute that it was the bounden duty of a tenant to 
follow his lord to the field, even against his overlord. With 
the same object of strengthening their own position, the 
great lords strove to prevent the fiefs of their vassals from 
assuming that hereditary character which they had already 
acquired in practice, if not in theory, for their own vast 

Conrad showed a shrewd sense of self-interest in posing as 
the friend of the lesser tenants against the great vassals of 
the crown. Whether he also secured the best interests of 
Germany is not quite so clear. The great vassals were strong 
enough to maintain order; the lesser feudalists had neither 
their resources nor their traditions of statecraft. It was too 
late to revive with any real effect the national tie of allegiance, 
and the scanty means of an early mediaeval king had always 
made somewhat illusory great schemes of national unity. 
Conrad did his best for the protection of the under-tenants by 
establishing for them also that hereditary possession of their 
benefices which gave them some sort of permanent position 
over against their overlords. This was secured in Germany 
by a mere recognition of the growing custom of heredity, 

58 European History, 918-1273 

though in Italy a formal law was necessary to attain the same 
end. Another advantage won by Conrad by this action was 
that in securing the recognition of the principle of heredity in 
every fief, he made a long step towards securing the heredity 
of the crown. For Conrad, much more distinctly than his 
Saxon predecessors, sought definitely to make both the royal 
and imperial crown hereditary in his house. As a further 
step towards breaking down the greater nobility, he strove 
to get rid of the national duchies altogether. He persuaded 
the Bavarians to elect the young King Henry as their duke, 
and, on the death of his last stepson, gave Swabia also to 
his destined successor. On the death of his old rival, Conrad 
of Carinthia, the great Carinthian mark was also handed over 
to Henry. At the end of Conrad's reign. Saxony and Lorraine 
were the only duchies still held by independent princes. 
Like his predecessors, Conrad used the bishops as the means 
of carrying on the government and checking the growth of 
the lay aristocracy. Following the example of the chief 
ecclesiastics, he encouraged the development of a new class 
of hereditary ministeriales^ who devoted their lives to the 
service of the crown, and soon built up a new official body 
that enabled his successors to largely dispense with the 
interested help of the episcopate in carrying on the daily task 
of the administration of the kingdom. 

Conrad was so successful with this policy in Germany and 
Burgundy that he desired to extend it to Italy. But the spirit 
of independence was already deeply rooted south of the Alps, 
and the very prelates who had called Conrad to help them 
against their lay rivals, now looked with suspicion on a policy 
that deprived churchman and lay noble alike of their cherished 
immunities. Aribert of Milan had long aspired 
8trife*wi"th '^ a position of almost complete independence. 
Aribert, His dream was to make the see of St. Ambrose 

1036 1039. ^ ^^^^ ^j. j^Q^^j^ Italian patriarchate, and at the 

same time he wished to combine with ecclesiastical ascen- 
dency an organised temporal power. His twofold ambition 

The Later Saxon and Early Saltan Emperors 59 

was exactly that of the Papacy at a later period, and for 
the moment Milan seemed stronger than Rome. The citizens 
of Milan, more obedient to their bishops than the turbulent 
Romans, were zealous partisans of Aribert ; but the smaller 
nobles, who saw in the fulfilment of his plans the destruction 
of their own independence, rose as one man against him. 
Civil war broke out in Lombardy between the friends and 
foes of Aribert. So dangerous was the outlook that in 1036 
Conrad again crossed the Alps in the hope of restoring peace 
in North Italy. 

Aribert was summoned to a Diet at Pavia ; but he loftily 
declared that he would surrender no single right of the church 
of St. Ambrose, and was soon in open war against the 
Emperor. Conrad saw his only chance of overcoming the 
archbishop in winning over the smaller nobility to his side. 
In 1037 he issued the famous edict which made iiefs heredi- 
tary in Italy, thus doing for the south by a single stroke what 
gradual custom and policy had slowly procured for the north. 
He also promised to exact from his vassals no greater burdens 
than those already usually paid to him. But these measures, 
though increasing the party of Conrad in Italy, were not 
enough at once to overcome Aribert, who, secure in the 
hearty support of the Milanese citizens, defied not only the 
threats of Conrad but also the condemnation of Rome, 
which the Count of Tusculum, who then occupied the papal 
throne, willingly put at the service of the Emperor. In 
1038 Conrad was forced by urgent business to recross the 
Alps, leaving Aribert unsubdued. Next year he died suddenly 
at Utrecht. * No man,' says a Saxon annalist, ' regretted his 
death.' Yet if Conrad was unpopular, he was singularly suc- 
cessful. Though he had failed to get the better of Aribert, 
he had obtained his object in everything else that he under- 
took. He left the royal authority established on such a 
solid basis that his son. King Henry, already crowned King 
of Germany and Burgundy, and already Duke of Bavaria 
and Swabia, now stepped into the complete possession of his 

6o European History, 918-1273 

father's power, as if he were already the heir of an hereditary 
state. Henry in. was the first German king to succeed 
witliout opposition or rebellion. 

Henry in. was now two-and-twenty years of age, and had 
been carefully educated for his great position. Gisela had 
Henry III. procurcd for him the best of literary teachers, 
1039-1056. while Conrad himself had taken care that he 
should excel in all knightly exercises, and go through a 
sound drilling in war, law, and statecraft. He had already 
won martial glory against the Poles and Hungarians, while 
he had acquired political experience as virtual, if not 
formal, co-regent with his father. He was now able to take 
up his father's work, and while carrying it on essentially in 
the old lines, to infuse it with a new spirit. For the gifted 
young king, though inheriting to the full the practical wisdom 
of his father, soared far above the cold self-seeking and 
hard selfishness of the least attractive of the great German 
Emperors. Under his strong and genial rule, the Holy 
Empire again became a great ideal, though it was now an 
ideal that had little that was visionary or fantastic about it. 
The seventeen years of his reign witnessed the culminating 
point of the power of the mediaeval Empire. Under him 
Germany effectively ruled the destinies of the world. The 
early troubles that had attended the building up of the 
kingdom were over. The later troubles that sprang from the 
struggle of the ecclesiastical and temporal power had not yet 

A series of signal triumphs in the east first proclaimed to 
the world the greatness of the new king. Poland, Bohemia, 
and Hungary were all alike matters of concern to Henry. 
Poland, But Poland, so mighty a few years before, was 

Bohemia, and (Jistracted by civil strife, and attacked by the 

Hungary . , <- ■w^ t • i 

made fiefs of rismg power of Bohemia, now the strongest 
the Empire. Slavonic State. It was a light matter for Henry to 
retain Poland as a feudatory of the Empire. But it involved 
a long struggle before Bohemia, under its warlike Duke 

The Later Saxon and Early Saltan Emperors 6i 

Bretislav, could be forced to accept the same position. It 
was Bretislav's ambition to make himself a king, and to secure 
for the Bohemian bishopric at Prague the position of an arch- 
bishopric, so that a great Slavonic kingdom, independent 
both in Church and State, might centre round the Bohemian 
table-land. But Henry forced his way through the moun- 
tains of the border and threatened Prague itself. In despair 
Bretislav did homage to him for Bohemia and Moravia, and 
even for the outlying district of Silesia, which he had con- 
quered from the weak Polish monarchy and made an integral 
part of the Bohemian kingdom. Even greater difficulties 
beset Henry in Hungary, where a heathen reaction had set 
Aba, a member of the hero race of Arpad, on the throne. In 
1042 Henry invaded Hungary and dethroned Aba, but the 
Hungarian king was soon restored, and it was not until a 
third expedition in 1044 that Henry finally succeeded in 
destroying his power. Aba's defeat secured the complete 
triumph of the German king. Peter, the new king of 
Hungary, performed homage to Henry, thus making Hun- 
gary, like Poland and Bohemia, a fief of the Empire. In 
1045 Henry visited Hungary, and received the submission of 
the Magyar magnates. In pious gratitude for his victory 
Henry sent the gilded lance, which Peter had given to him as 
an emblem of his dependence, as a votive offering to the 
Papacy. A few years later another Arpad, Andrew, dethroned 
the weak Peter, and gave a more national direction to 
the fierce Magyar nation, though he was too conscious of 
Henry's power to break openly with him. With a row of 
vassal kingdoms extending to the extremes! eastward limits 
of Roman civilisation, the Holy Empire was fast becoming in 
a very real sense the mistress of the world. 

With all his power, Henry could not hope to obtain from 
the princes of the west the same formal acknowledgment of 
his supremacy that he had wrested from the lords Henry iii. 
of the east. The France of Henry i. was indeed and France, 
feeble and helpless, but the early Capetian monarchy was 

62 European History, 918-1273 

still the centre of a great system, and its feudatories, though 
constantly at war with their king and with each other, would 
be likely to make common cause against a German pretender 
to universal rule. Henry iii. was content to keep on friendly 
terms with his neighbours beyond the Rhine, and, as a good 
means of securing French friendship, he chose a wife from 
among the greater vassals of the Capetian throne. In 1043 
he married Agnes of Poitou, the youngest daughter of that 
Count William of Poitou who, in his youth, had competed 
with Conrad the Salic for the crown of Italy. Agnes exer- 
cised henceforth strong influence over her husband, and in 
particular upon his ecclesiastical policy. 

With the eastern kings paying him tribute and the monarch 
of the west seeking his friendship, Henry had now leisure to 
improve the internal condition of his dominions. Despite all 
that his predecessors had done, Germany and Italy were still 
in the utmost disorder. Conrad ii.'s policy of encouraging 
Henry HI. ^^ Smaller nobility had tended to increase the 
and Germany, private wars and local feuds that made existence 
so difficult and dreary for the simple freeman, and so dangerous 
even to the great lord. Henry now made strenuous efforts 
to restore peace to Germany. At a diet at Constance Henry 
solemnly forgave all his enemies, and craved their forgive- 
ness in turn, calling upon the magnates to follow his example 
and lay aside their feuds with each other. Some degree of 
success followed this appeal, especially as Henry had partly 
abandoned his father's policy of concentrating the national 
duchies in his own hands. Germany was so vast that it 
could hardly be effectively ruled from a single centre, and 
Henry hoped that henceforth the dukes whom he set up 
would be faithful ministers, and not champions of local inde- 

Italy demanded Henry's utmost care, and the critical 
position of the Papacy closely connected his policy with 
his attitude towards the Church. Since his marriage 
with Acne*?. Henry had become more attentive to the 

The Later Saxon and Early Saltan Emperors 63 

teachings of Cluny, and was keenly alive to the scandals 
which still disgraced the Roman Church. No ecclesiastical 
reformation could be complete which did not begin with 
the head of the Church, and it was only by a great 
manifestation of his power that Henry could purify Henry iii. 
the Papacy. The Counts of Tusculum still kept and Italy, 
their tight hold over the Roman Church, which had almost 
become their hereditary possession. After two brothers — the 
reforming Benedict viii. (i 01 2- 1024) and the reactionary 
John XIX. (1024-1033) — had held in turn St. Peter's chair, 
a third member of the Tusculan house, their nephew, Bene- 
dict IX., succeeded, despite his extreme youth, to the papal 
throne (1033). His excesses soon gave occasion to universal 
scandal, and in 1044 the Romans set up an Antipope in 
Sylvester III. Family influence still upheld Benedict, but next 
year new troubles arising, he sold the Papacy in a panic to 
a new pretender, who called himself Gregory vi., and who, 
despite his simoniacal election, soon attracted the reformers 
around him by his zeal in putting an end to abuses. But 
Benedict soon repented of his bargain, and sought to regain 
his position as Pope. The result was that three rival claimants 
to the Papacy distracted Rome with their brawls, and none 
of them had sufficient power to get rid of the others. 

A synod assembled at Rome, and called on Henry in. 
to put an end to the crisis. In 1046 he crossed the Alps, 
and held a Church Council at Pavia, in which he issued an 
edict condemning simony. In December 1046 he held 
another synod at Sutri, near Rome, where two synodof 
of the three claimants to the Papacy were de- ^"*"' *°^^- 
posed. The third claimant was deposed in a third synod 
held in Rome itself. Suidgar, Bishop of Bamberg, was chosen 
Pope through Henry's influence, and enthroned on Christmas 
Day as Clement 11., conferring on the same day the imperial 
crown on Henry and Agnes. Accompanied by Clement, 
the Emperor made a progress through southern Italy, 
which he reduced to submission. Grave troubles on the 

64 European History y 918-1273 

Lower Rhine now brought Henry back to Germany ; yet 
even in his absence his influence remained supreme in Italy, 
Clement 11. died in 1048; but a whole succession of German 
Popes, the nominees of the Emperor, were now accepted by 
the Romans with hardly a murmur. The first of these — 
Damasus 11., formerly Poppo, Bishop of Brixen, died after a 
few weeks' reign. His successor, the Emperor's kinsman, 
Bruno of Toul, took the name of Leo ix. (1048-1054). Short 
as was his pontificate, the result of his work was epoch- 
making in several directions. During the reign of his suc- 
cessor, Victor II. (1054- 1 05 7), Henry in. paid his second and 
last visit to Italy, the results of which we will speak of later. 
No sooner was he over the Alps than a rebellion broke out 
in Bavaria that necessitated his immediate return. The pre- 
sence of the Emperor soon extinguished the revolt, but the 
rising taught Henry the insecurity of his position, and he 
now sought to conciliate his foes. 

In the summer of 1056 Henry held his court at Goslar, 

where he was visited by Victor 11. ; but in September he fell 

^ ^ , sick, and had only time to take further measures 

Death of ' •' 

Henry III., to sccurc his son's succession, when death over- 
***56- took him, on 5th October, in the thirty-ninth 

year of his age. Under him the mediaeval Empire attained 
its apogee. Germany was now almost a nation ; Italy a 
submissive dependency ; the Papacy had been reformed, and 
the Church purified. A child of six years old was now 
called to the throne, whose burden had been almost too 
heavy for his father. With the accession of Henry iv. the 
decline of the Empire begins. 

The Later Saxon and Early Saltan Emperors 65 


HENRY I., THE Fowler, Duke of the Saxons, 

German King (919-936) 

tn. Matilda 



rf. 938 



n. I. Edith of 

2. Adelaide, 
vsridow of 
King of 


Duke of 
m. Judith, 
daughter of 
Duke of 

I I I 

Bruno, Gerberga, Hedwig, 

Archbishop of m. i. Giselbert, tn. Hugh the 

Cologne Duke of Lorraine Great 

2. Louis IV., 

King of West 



Duke of 

Duke of 



m. Theophano, 

daughter of 

Romanus 11., 





m. Conrad the 

Red, Duke of 





Archbishop of 


Henry II., Hedwig, 
Duke of fit. Burkhard. 
Bavaria, the Duke of 
Quarrelsome Swabia 


THE Saint 


m. Cunigunde 

^ I 


;«. St. 


of Hungary 

I I I 

Henry Bruno Conrad 

Pope Gregory v. I 


GiSELA, tn. CONRAD IL, Conrad of 

Duchess of THE Salic 

Swabia (1024-1039) 

Duke of 



m. Agnes, daughter of William, 

Count of Poitou 



in. I. Bertha 

2. Praxedis of Russia 


rival to 
Coiu-ad II. 


Bishop of To'il, 

Pope Leo ix. 




d. iioi 



iH. Matilda of England 


tn. Frederick, 

Duke of Swabia, 

ancestor of the 





The last Carolingians — Hugh the Great — Election of Hugh Capet, and its 
results — The first four Capetians, Hugh, Robert li., Henry i., Philip i. — 
The great Fiefs under the early Capetians — Normandy — Brittany — 
Flanders — Vermandois — Champagne and Blois — Anjou — Burgundy— 
Aquitaine and Poitou — Toulouse — Beginnings of French influence. 

While the first great Saxon kings were reviving the power 
of their eastern kingdom, the expiring Carolingian house 
The last Still Carried on an unavailing struggle for the 
Carolingian possession of the old realm of the West Franks. 
the"w«t Charles the Simple was the last Carolingian 
Franks. to exercise any real authority in France. He 
had obtained a powerful ally by his concession of Nor- 
mandy to Rolf and his vikings. He had witnessed the revolt 
of the Lotharingians from Germany to France, and had 
attained many successes through their support. 
Simple, Yet the concluding years of his reign were 
^"^1*^ troubled in the extreme, until he succumbed be- 
fore the formidable coalition of Robert, Count of Paris, the 
brother of the dead King Odo, and the chief representative 

* Luchaire's Instilulions Monarchiqius de la France sous Us Premiers 
CapJtiens (987-1180) includes, besides its detailed studies of institutions, 
an admirable summary of the political history. Special works include 
Lot's Lzs Demiers Carolingiens, Monod's Atudes sur F Histoire de 
JIugues Cafet, and Pfister's £tude sur le Rigne de Robert le Pieux. 
■ 06 

France under the Early Capetians 6y 

of the new order, with his two mighty sons-in-law, Herbert, 
Count of Vermandois, and Rudolf, Duke of Burgundy. 
Robert got himself crowned king in 922, but was Robert, 
slain in battle in 923, leaving his famous son, saa-gaa- 
Hugh the Great, too young to succeed to his disputed king- 
dom. This left Rudolf of Burgundy as king of the Franks, 
or, rather, of those who still resisted Charles the Rudolf, 
Simple [see Period i., pp. 503-5]. When Charles 9^-936- 
died in prison in 929, Rudolf had no longer a nominal rival. 
He reigned until his death in 936. /But his power was miser- 
ably weak, and real authority still resided with the great 
feudatories, whose possessions had now become hereditary 
for so long a time that they were now associated by close 
ties to the districts which they ruled. /^ 

Hugh the Great was a man of v«-y different calibre from 
his fierce ancestors. Robert the Strong, the founder of 
the house, had been a warrior pure and simple. His 
sons, Odo and Robert, the two dukes who had in turn 
grasped the sceptre, had faithfully followed in his footsteps. 
Wanting in policy and statecraft, they had been less powerful 
as kings than as dukes. /^ Hugh the Great, the first statesman 
of the Robertian house, was a shrewd tactician, „ ,. 

' Policy of 

who saw that his fortunes could best be estab- Hugh the 
lished by playing a waiting game. 1 He heaped ^'■^**- 
up treasure, and accumulated fresh fiefs, but on the dea th of 
his Burgundian brother-in-law he declined the royal dignity, 
preferring to exercise an unseen influence over a king of his 
own choice to exposing himself to the certainty of exciting 
the Jealousy of every great lord in France, by raising himself 
abovelthem as their king. 

There was only one sacred family which every lord admitted 
to be above himself. Even in its humiliation the C^ rolingian 
n ame was still one to conjure with. As Hugh Louis iv., 
would not be king himself, he wisely fell back on 936-954. 
the legitimate stock of the West Frank ish royal house. He 
turned his eyes over the Channel, where Louis, son of Charles 

68 European History, 918-1273 

the Simple, and his West Saxon queen, Eadgifu, daughter of 
Edward the Elder, was living quietly at the court of his uncle 
Athelstan. Louis was only fifteen years old, and was likely 
to be grateful to his powerful protector. He was elected 
king by the Frankish lords, and duly crowned at Reims. 
In memory of his exile he was called ' Louis from beyond 
sea ' ( UltramarinuSy Outremer). In the list of French kings 
he is reckoned a§ Louisiy. 

Hugh the Great was rewarded by the renewal in his favour 
of the title ' Duke of the French,' which had already been 
borne by his father Robert in the days of Charles the Simple. 
This title suggested a power, half military and half national, 
The Duke of atialogous to that held by the dukes of the nations 
the French. \^ Germany. But if this were the case, Hugh's 
power as duke would have probably been restricted to 
'Francia,' a region which, in common speech, was now 
limited to the Gaulish regions north of the Seine. It is not 
clear, however, that the power of the Duke of the French had 
any territorial limitation other than that of the limits of the 

y. West Frankish kingdom as prescribed by the treaty of Verdun. 

1\ WherevQf Louis ruled as ' king,' Hugh wielded authority as 
'duke.' /He was a permanent prime minister, a mayor of the 
palace, a justiciar of the Anglo-Norman type, rather than a 
territorial duke. Indeed, Hugh's chief domains were not in 
•Francia' at all. Despite his possession of Paris, his chief 
fiefs were still in the cradle of his house, the district between 
the Seine and Loire, to which the term Neustria was now 
commonly applied. Here his authority stretched as far west- 
wards as the county of Maine, which he had obtained in his 
youth from the weakness of Rudolf of Burgundy. Moreover, 
in the lack of all central royal authority, half the chief vassals 
of the north had thought it prudent to commend themselves to 
the mighty lord of Neustria, and, with the Duke of Normandy 
at their head, had become his feudal dependants. Hugh was 
no longer simply a great feudatory. Even in name, he was 
the second man in Gaul. In fact, he was a long way the first 

France under the Early Capetians 69 

/The last Carolingians were in no wise puppets and do- 
nothings like the last Merovingians. Ti Louis iv. proved a 
strenuous warrior, with a full sense of his royal dignity. He 
ruled directly over little more than the hill-town of Laon and 
its neighbourhood, but he did wonders with his scanty re- 
sources. He married a sister of Otto the Great, and with 
German help was able to press severely his former patron. 
But Otto soon withdrew beyond the Rhine, and Louis, 
deprived of his help, and ever planning schemes too vast 
for his resources, was soon altogether at Hugh's mercy. 
In 946 he was driven out of Laon : ' the only town,' 
as he complained, 'where I could shut myself up with my 
wife and children, the town that I prefer to my life.' In his 
despair he laid his wrongs before King Otto and a council of 
bishops at Ingelheim. Hugh prudently yielded before the 
threatened thunders of the Church. He renewed his homage 
to King Louis, and restored Laon to him. 'Henceforth,' 
says the chronicler, 'their friendship was as firm as their 
struggles had formerly been violent.' When Louis died 
suddenly in 954, hjs^ thirfppn-year-rtl^l so n. Lothair. was 
chosen king through Hugh's influence. Two years later the 
great duke died. 

Hugh the Great's son and successor was also named Hugh. 
He is famous in history by the surname of * Capet,' which he 
obtained from bearing the cope of the abbot of St. Martin's 
at Tours, but which, like most famous surnames, has no 
contemporary authority. Brought up in his father's school, 
he was clear-headed, cunning, resourceful, and 
cold-blooded. He soon extended the power of and King 
his house, establishing one of his brothers in Lothair, 
Burgundy, and marrying Adelaide, the heiress of 
Poitou, so as to be ablfe to push forward claims in the 
lands beyond the Loire. I Both in policy and resources he 
overmatched the young king Lothair, who tried as he grew 
up to play his father's part; but his means were too small, 
and he embarked on contradictory policies which destroyed 

70 European History, 918-1273 

each other. His father had relied upon the support of Otto i., 
but Lothair, tempted by the long tradition of loyalty which 
bound Lotharingia to the Carolingian house, sought to find 
a substitute for his dwindling patrimony in northern France 
by winning domains for himself in that region. The 
strong Saxon kings would not 'olerate the falling away of 
Lorraine from their Enjpire. Otto ii. invaded France [see 
page 38] and vigorously punished the presumptuous Caro- 
lingian. Henceforth Lothair had no support against the subtle 
policy of the new Duke of the French. He even alienated 
Adalbero, the famous Archbishop of Reims, and the last 
prominent ecclesiastical upholder of the tottering dynasty, 
so that he repudiated the traditional policy of his see, and 
allied himself with the duke and the Emperor. Gerbert, the 
'scholasticus ' of Adalbero's cathedral school, and the author 
of his policy, established an alliance between Hugh Capet 
and Otto iii., and was soon able to boast that Lothair was but 
king in name, and that the real king was Duke Hugh. After 
losing the support of the Germans and of the Church, the 
Carolingians^ had absolutely nothing left but their own paltry 
resources. A^et Lothair gallantly struggled on till his death, u 
Louis v., i"^ 986, after a nominal reign of thirty-two years, tf 
986-987- His son, Louis v., who had reigned jointly with^ 

him since 979, succeeded to his phantom kingship, and con- 
trived to win over Duke Hugh, at whose instigation he led 
an expedition into Poitou. But Louis also quarrelled with 
Archbishop Adalbero, and alienated the Church. Adalbero 
intrigued against him, and the prelate's triumph was hasWSned 
by Louis' premature death in the hunting-field (987)./ He 
was the last of the Carolingian kings, jf 

For a century the Robertian house had struggled with 
the house of Charles the Great. Its premature triumph 
Election of Under Odo and Robert had put off the final day 
Hugh Capet, of success. But the patient and shrewd policy 
^' of Hugh the Great and Hugh Capet was at last 

rewarded with victory. Louis v. left no son. His uncle 

France under the Early Capetians 7 1 

Charles, Duke of Lower Lorraine, was his nearest heir, 
but was in no position to push forward his pretensions. 
The pear was at last ripe, and Hugh Capet had no longer 
any motive for avoiding the semblance of the power, of 
which he had long enjoyed the reality. Adalbero and 
Gerbert now showed great activity. Adalbero harangued the 
barons and bishops on the duty that lay before them. * We 
know,' he said, ' that Charles of Lorraine has his partisans 
who pretend that the throne belongs to him by hereditary 
right. But we believe that kingship is not acquired by 
hereditary right, but that we ought only to raise to that 
dignity the man who is marked out, not only by noblepess 
of birth, but by wisdom, loyalty, and magnanimity.'^ The 
magnates took the cue^ and elected Hugh king of the 
French. The Church ratified the choice of the nobles by 
the solemn coronation of the new king at Noyon. The Duke 
of the Normans and the Count of Anjou lent him the support 
of their arms. The Emperor recognised Hu^, on condition 
that he waived all claims over Lotharingia. S 

The revolution of 987 was easily accomplisned, because the 
old order was so nearly dead. It involved no striking change 
in form. iThe Capetian kings posed as the lawful successors 
of the Carolingians : they had the same conceptions of sove- 
reignty, and followed the same principles of its 
government. Yet those are not far wrong who results, 
regard the accession of Hugh as the starting-point of all 
later French history. It is easy to exaggerate the nature of 
the change. It is unsafe to make the change of dynasty a 
triumph of one race over another. It has been the fashion to 
say that, with the last of the Carolingians, disappear the last 
of the Teutonic conquerors of Gaul, and that their power had 
passed on to the Romanised Celts whom they had ruled so 
long. But there is no scrap of evidence to prove that the 
later Carolings were different in tongue, ideas, or policy from 
the Robertian house, j There was no real national feeling in 
the tenth century, and, if there were, no proof that the one 

7 2 European History, 918-1273 

house was more national than the other. Nevertheless, the 
passing away of the line of Charles the Great does complete 
the process which the Treaty of Verdun had begun. /The 
Capetian king had a limited localised power, a power that in 
due course could become national; and if he looked back, like 
the Carolings, to the traditions of imperial monarchy and 
order, he had no temptation to look back, as the Carolings 
were bound to look back, to the imperial ideas of uni- 
versal dominion. He had no claim to rule beyond the 
limits ascribed to the West Frankish kingdom in the Treaty 
of Verdun. He was king of the French, the new Romance 
people that had grown up as the result of the amalgamation 
of conquering Frank and conquered Roman. He spoke the 
infant French tongue ; his ambitions were limited to French 
soil ; he represented the new nationality that soon began to 
take a foremost place amidst all the nations of Europe. But 
the triumph of the Capetian was not even in anticipation a 
simple national triumph. It was only in after ages, when France 
had become great, that she could look back and see in his 
accession the beginnings of her separate national monarchy. 
Personally, Hugh Capet was doubtless, like Harold of Eng- 
land some two generations later, an embodiment of the 
new national character and energy. But, less fortunate than 
Harold, he had time enough to live to show how power- 
less was a national hero, amidst an order of society in which 
the national ideal could have no place.yf He was rather the 
mighty feudatory, raised by his own order to a position of 
pre-eminence to represent the predominance of feudal ideas. 
The Carolings had fallen, not because of their own weakness, 
and still less by reason of any want of sympathy between 
them and the French nation. They were pushed out of power 
because France had become so fully feudalised that there was 
no room for an authority that had no solid basis of feudal 
support. France had become divided among a series of great 
fiefs. None of these fiefs fell to the ruling family, which 
was thus, as the result of the preponderance of the feudal 

France under the Early Capetians 73 

principle, deprived of revenue, army, lands, and reputation. 
Hugh Capet inherited all that had kept the Carolingian power 
alive so long ; but in addition to that he could supplement 
the theoretical claims of monarchy by right divine, by the 
practical argumerfs drawn from the possession of one of the 
strongest fiefs.y^''^Thus the new dynasty saved the monarchy 
by strengthening it with a great fief. No doubt the feudatories 
acted unwisely in having a king at all. /But a nominal 
monarchy was part of the feudal system, and the barons could 
Qonsole themselves by believing that in becoming kijpg of 
the French, Hugh still remained one of themselves.^ He 
was not surrounded with the mystic reverence due to the 
descendants of Charlemagne. As Harold, in becoming king 
of the English, did not cease to be earl of the West Saxons, 
so Hugh, in ascending the French throne, was still in all 
essentials the count of Paris. Harold and Hugh alik e 
found but a questionin^pbe(Hence.J[ii^-t^ great earls and 
counts^ who looked upon the upstart kings as their equals. 
The 'T^fhiah Conquest destroyed Harold before it could 
be early demonstrated what a long step in the direction of 
feudalism was made by his accession. / Hugh Capet and his 
successors had time to bear the full brunt of the feudal 
shock. /The most powerful of dukes proved the weakest of 
kings. It was only gradually that the ceremonial centre, 
round which the cumbrous fabric of French feudalism 
revolved, became the real heart of French national life. 
Yet, even in the feeble reigns of the first four Cagptian 
kings, it is plain that France had begun a new existence./ The 
hi story of __thP ^arolingianfi- if -b history of decline. The 
history of the Capetians is a story of progressr While beyond 
the Rhine and Alps the continuance of the imperial theory 
choked the growth of German and Italian national life, 
the disappearance of these remnants of the past proved 
a blessing to Gaul. The history of modern Europe is the 
history of the development of nationalities. That history 
may be said in a sense to begin with the establishment of 

74 European History, 918-1273 

the first of an unbroken dynasty of national kings over what 
was destiaed to become one of the greatest of modem 

It is only with these limitations that the election of Hugh 
can be regarded as a triumph either of feudalism or of 
nationality. But it is entirely true that Hugh's accession was 
the triumph of the Church. Adalbero, and Gerbert working 
through Adalbero, really gave Hugh the throne. Gerbert could 
truly boast that the Church had revived the royal name after 
it had long been almost dead among the French. Amidst 
the horrors of feudal anarchy, the sounder part of the Church 
still upheld in monarchy the Roman tradition of orderly rule, 
and taught that the king governed by God's grace, because 
without a strong king the thousand petty tyrants of feudalism 
would have no restraint upon their lust and greed. But even 
this was an ideal far beyond the vision of the tenth century ; 
though in later generations it was to bear fruit. The im- 
mediate results of Hugh Capet's election were far different 
from its ultimate results, frhe conditions upon which his 
brother magnates had elected him king meant in practice 
that they should enjoy in their territories the same power 
that he enjoyed on his own domain. Save his theoretical 
pre-eminence, H ugh got very little fr om his roval tit le. 
The only resources orT Which he coulj^depend implicitly 
were those which he derived from his own lands and vassals. 
There was no national organisation, no royal revenu e, and 

prnrfiralijTjTnjp yfil arm y^ g<! \\\c tprm orfcudal SCrvice WaS 

too short to carry on a real campaign, even if the king 
could have trusted his vassals' levies. The royal title 
involved responsibilities, but brought with it litt k correspond - 
ing power. 

Struck By the contrast between their weakness and the com- 
manding position of later French kings, historians have dwelt 
with almost exaggerated emphasis on the powerlessness of 
Hugh Capet and his first three successors. Yet the early 
Capetians were not so feeble as they are sometimes described. 

France under the Early Capet ian$ 75 

The French king was still the centre round which the feudal 
system revolved. He had a store of legal claims and traditions 
of authority, which at any favourable moment he could put 
into force. He was the only ruler whose authority extended 
even in name all over France. He inherited the traditions of 
the Carolingians and Merovingians,, and, rightly or wrongly, 
was regarded as their successor. ( Moreover, the lay fiefs 
were, luckily for the monarchy, ^ cut up by the great 
ecclesiastical territories, over which the king stood in 
a better position. Though feudal in a certain sense, the 
great Church dignitary was never a mere feudalist. His 
power was not hereditary. On his death the custody of 
the temporalities of his see passed into the royal hands, 
and it was the settled royal policy to keep churches 
vacant as long as possible. ^ Only in a few favoured fiefs, 
"like'^ormandy, Brittany, and Aquitaine, did the regale slip 
altogether into the hands of the local dukes. Moreover, the 
disputes and the weakness of the chapters gave the king the 
preponderating voice in elections. Even stronger was the 
royal position in relation to the monasteries. The greatest 
abbeys throughout France were 'royal abbeys,' over which 
the king possessed the same right as over bishoprics. 
Weaker than the bishops, the abbots looked up even more 
than the secular prelates to the rov^l support against the 
grasping and simoniacal lay-lords. ^The king favoured the 
Cluniac reformers, knowing that the more earnest the Church- 
men, the more they would be opposed to feudal influence. 
Thus it was that every great Church fief was a centre of royal 
influence. Over the Church lands of central France — the 
provinces of Sens, Reim^, Tours, and Bourges — the early 
Capetian was a real king.) Even from the point of view of 
material resources, the king was in every whit as favourable 
a position as any one of his chief vassals. His own domains 
were large, rich, and centrally situated. Though lavish 
grants to the chief monasteries, and the need of paying for 
each step of their upward progress by conciliating the 

76 European History, 918-1273 

feudal magnates, had eaten away much of the old Robertian 
domain ; though the great Counts of Anjou and Blois had 
established themselves in virtual independence within the 
limits of the domain of Hugh the Great, Hugh Capet still 
held the country between the Seine and the Loire, including 
the county of Paris, Orleans and its district, Senlis, Etampes, 
and Melun, with scattered possessions in more distant places, 
Picardy, Champagne, Bern, Touraine, and Auvergne. Paris 
was not as yet so important a place as it afterwards became, 
and it is an exaggeration to make it the centre of his 
power. Hugh could only conciliate his chief adviser and 
supporter, Bouchard the Venerable, the greatest lord of the 
royal domain, and count already of Vendome, Corbeil, 
and Melun, by granting him his own county of Paris. 
The title of ' royal count ' of Paris suggested that Bouchard 
was a royal officer rather than a simple feudatory, and 
after Bouchard had retired into a monastery, the county 
of Paris was henceforth kept strictly in the king's hands. 
The second Capetian acquired with Montreuil-sur-Mer a 
seaport near the English Channel. For a time the 
Capetians held the duchy of Burgundy. Moreover, they 
were men of energy and vigour who made the best of 
their limited resources. But their lot was a hard one. Even 
in their own domains, between the Seine and Loire, the lead- 
ing mesne lords, lay and secular, exercised such extensive 
jurisdiction that there- was little room left for the autho- 
rity of the suzerain. \ Besides the task — as yet hopeless — 
of reducing the great vassals of the crown to order, the 
Capetian kings had the preliminary task of establishing 
their authority within their own domains. I Even this smaller 
work was not accomplished for more than a century. But^ 
luckily for the kings, each one of .tlie_gteat feudatories 
was simTTar^ occupied. TheTarons of Normandy and Aqui- 
taine gave more trouble to their respective dukes than the 
barons of the Isle of France gave to the lord of Paris. 
Power Mas in reality distributed amnnghundr gda of fe udal 

France under the Early Capetians yy 

£hieftains. It was so divided that no one was strong enough 
to really rule at all. France suffered all the miseries of 
feudal anarchy, when every petty lord of a castle ruled 
like a little king over his own domain. Yet it was something 
that her contests were now between Frenchmen and French- 
men. Something was gained in the passing away of the 
barbarian invasions of the tenth century. 

The details of the political history of the first four Cape- 
tian reigns are insignificant, and need not be told at length. 
Hugh Capet reigned from 987 to 996. He had The first 
little difficulty in obtaining general recognition, fourCape- 
even from the lords of the distant south. But Hugh, 
he had some trouble in upholding his claims 987-996. 
against the Carolingian claimant, Charles, Duke of Lower 
Lorraine, who received the powerful support of the church 
of Reims, after Adalbero's death, and continued for some 
time to maintain himself in the old Carolingian fortress 
of Laon. Hugh continued with wise policy to maintain 
his hold over the church of Reims, and so to destroy the 
last possible stronghold of the Carolingians. He did not 
even scruple to sacrifice the trusty Gerbert to serve his 
dynastic ambitions. Within modest limits, the reign of the 
founder of the new dynasty was a successful one. 

In the very year of his accession, Hugh provided for the 
hereditary transmission of his power by associating his son 
Robert in the kingship. On Hugh's death Robert 11 
Robert, already with nine years' experience as a the Pious, 
crowned king, became sole monarch. He had ^^e-'oai. 
been a pupil of Gerbert's, and was sufficiently learned to be 
able to compose hymns and argue on points of theology with 
bishops. His character was amiable, his charity abundant ; 
he was of soft and ready speech, and amiable manners. He 
showed such fervent devotion that he was surnamed Robert 
the Pious, and contributed more than any other Capetian 
king to identify the Church and the dynasty. He was not the 
weak uxorious prince that his enemies describe him, but a 

yS European History, 918-1273 

miglity hunter, a vigorous warrior, and an active statesman. 
He made constant efforts, both to enlarge his domain and 
establish his authority over the great vassals. He kept up 
friendly relations with Normandy. He married Bertha, widow 
of Odo I., Count of Chartres, Tours, and Blois, his father's 
worst enemy, in the hope of regaining the three rich counties 
that had slipped away from the heritage of Hugh the Great. 
But Bertha was within the prohibited degrees ; and the Pope 
insisting upon the unlawfulness of the union, Robert was 
excommunicated, and after a long struggle gave her up. But 
in 1019, the establishment of Odo 11. of Blois, the son of 
Bertha by her former marriage, in the county of Troyes, did 
something to avenge the lady's memory. Robert's third 
marriage with Constance of Aries, the daughter of a Proven9al 
lord, led to several royal visits to his wife's native regions 
which was a step towards establishing Capetian influence in 
the south. But the men of Robert's own territories disliked 
the hard, greedy queen, and the clergy in particular resented 
her introduction, into the court of Paris, of the refined 
but lax southern manners. Robert's most important exploit 
was the conquest of Burgundy. His uncle, Duke Henry, had 
died without an heir, and after a struggle of fourteen years' 
duration, Robert got possession of the great fief; but he soon 
granted it to his eldest surviving son Henry, whom, faithful 
to his father's policy, he had crowned king in 1027. He 
twice went on pilgrimage to Rome, and was offered the throne 
of Italy by the Lombard lords, who were opposed to Conrad 
the Salic; yet he found much difficulty in chastising any 
petty lord of the Orl^anais or the Beauce, who chose to defy 

During the declining years of Robert 11., Queen Constance 

exercised an increasing influence. She wished to set aside 

Henry I., the young king, Henry of Burgundy, the natural 

X031-X060. heir, in favour of his younger brother Robert. 

But the old king insisted on the rights of the first-born, and 

civil war broke out between the brothers, though before long 

France under the Early Capetians 79 

they united their arms against their father. When King 
Robert died, the contest was renewed ; but finally Henry 
secured the throne for himself, and pacified his younger 
brother by the grant of Burgundy, which thus went per- 
manently back to a separate line of rulers. Henry i.'s 
inauspicious beginning lost some ground to the monarchy, 
which under him perhaps attained its lowest point of power. 
But Henry, if not very wise, was brave and active. Though 
his resources prevented any great expeditions, he strove by a 
series of petty fights and sieges to protect his frontiers against 
two of the strongest and most disloyal of his vassals — the 
Count of Blois, and the Duke of Normandy. In neither case 
was he successful. Odo 11., after a long struggle, was able 
to establish his power on a firm basis, both in Champagne 
and Blois. But after Odo's death in 1037, Henry managed 
to absorb some of his fiefs in the royal domain, and scored a 
considerable triumph by transferring Touraine from the over- 
powerful house of Blois to Geoffrey Martel, Count of Anjou. 
The young duke, William of Normandy, who owed his throne 
to the support of Henry, which had secured the defeat of the 
rebel barons at Val-es-Dunes, soon grew so powerful as to 
excite the apprehensions of his overlord. In an unlucky 
hour, Henry broke the tradition of friendship that had so 
long united Rouen and Paris. He twice invaded Normandy, 
but on both occasions the future conqueror of England proved 
more than a match for him. In 1054 Henry was defeated 
at Mortemer, and again, in 1058, at Varaville. Another 
difficulty in the way of the monarchy was the fact that Henry 
married late, and his health was already breaking up when the 
eldest son, borne to him by his wife Anne of Russia, was still 
a child. Nevertheless, in 1059, Henry procured the coro- 
nation of his seven-year-old son Philip at Reims, and the 
great gathering of magnates from all parts of France that 
attended the ceremony showed that the succession to the 
throne was still an event of national interest. Yet with all 
his weakness, Henry i. held firm to the ancient traditions of the 

8o European History^ 918-1273 

Prankish monarchy. When the reforming Pope Leo ix. held 
his synod of Reims to denounce simony, Henry was so jealous 
of the Pope that he prevented the French prelates from attend- 
ing it He watched with alarm the results of the absorption 
of Lorraine and the kingdom of Aries in the Empire, and 
boldly wrote to Henry iii., claiming by hereditary right the 
palace at Aachen, possessed by his ancestors, and all the 
Lotharingian kingdom kept from its rightful owners by the 
tyranny of the German king. It is significant that the weakest 
of the early Capetians should thus pose against the strongest 
of the Emperors as the inheritor of the Carolingian tradition. 
In 1060 Henry died, and the little Philip i. was ac- 
knowledged as his successor without a murmur. During his 
Philip I., minority, Count Baldwin v. of Flanders held the 
1060-1108. regency, paying perhaps more regard to his 
interests as a great feudatory, than to his duty to his ward. 
It was possibly owing to this attitude that Baldwin allowed 
his son-in-law, William the Bastard, to fit out the famous 
expedition which led to the conquest of England, and thus 
gave one of the chief vassals of France a stronger posi- 
tion than his overlord. The year after the battle of Hastings 
Baldwin of Flanders died, and henceforward Philip ruled 
in his own name. As he grew up, he gained a bad reputa- 
tion for greed, debauchery, idleness, and sloth. Before 
he attained old age he had become extraordinarily fat 
and unwieldy, while ill-health still further diminished his 
activity. Yet Philip was a shrewd man, of sharp and 
biting speech, and clear political vision. His quarrel with 
the Church was the result of his private vices rather than 
his public policy. As early as 1073 he was bitterly 
denounced by Gregory vii. as the most simoniac, adulterous, 
and sacrilegious of kings. But he gave most offence to 
the Church when, in 1092, he repudiated his wife. Bertha 
of Holland (wiih whom he had lived for more than twenty 
years), in favour of Bertrada of Montfort, the wife of Fulk 
R^chin, Count of Anjou, whom he married after a complaisant 

France under the Early Capetians 81 

bishop had declared her former union null. This bold step 
brought on Philip's head not only the arms of the injured 
Fulk, and of Bertha's kinsfolk, but a sentence of excommunica- 
tion from Urban 11. (1094). Though a way to reconciliation 
was soon opened up by the death of Bertha, the Pope never- 
theless persisted in requiring Philip to repudiate his adulterous 
consort Philip never gave up Bertrada, and never received 
the full absolution of the Church. Nevertheless, the war 
which he carried on against the Papacy did not cost him the 
allegiance of his subjects, though to it was added a long 
conflict with Gregory vii.'s ally, William the Conqueror. So 
weak was he that he dared not prevent the holding of 
councils on French soil at which he was excommunicated, 
and the great crusading movement proclaimed. But Philip 
was more active and more shrewd than his ecclesiastical 
enemies thought. He turned his attention with single-minded 
energy towards the increase of the royal domain, preferring 
the inglorious gain of a castle or a petty lordship to indulging 
in those vague and futile claims by which his three pre- 
decessors had sought in vain to hide their powerlessness. 
He took possession of the lapsed fief of Vermandois, and, 
not being strong enough to hold the district in his own 
hands, established there his brother Hugh the Great, the 
famous crusading hero and the father of a long line of 
Capetian counts of Vermandois, who were all through the next 
century among the surest supports of the Capetian throne. 
Philip also absorbed the Vexin and the Valois, thus securing 
important outworks to protect his city of Paris from Normandy 
and Champagne. By his politic purchase of Bourges, Philip 
for the first time established the royal power on a solid basis 
south of the Loire. But the weak point of Philip's acquisi- 
tions was that he had not force sufficient to hold them firmly 
against opposition. Hampered by the constant unfriendliness 
of the Church, broken in health and troubled in conscience, 
he ended his life miserably enough. Formally reconciled to 
the Pope before the end of his days, he died in the habit 


82 European History^ 9 1 8- 1 273 

of a monk, declaring that his sins made him unworthy to 
be laid beside his ancestors and St. Denis, and humbly 
consigning himself to the protection of St Benedict. When 
the vault at Fleury closed over his remains, French history 
began a new starting-point. Philip i. was the last of the early 
Capetianswho were content to go on reigning without governing, 
after the fashion of the later Carolingians. It was reserved 
for his successors to convert formal claims into actual posses- 
sions. Nevertheless, the work of Philip set them on the right 
track. In his shrewd limitation of policy to matters of practical 
moment, and his keen insight into the drift of affairs, the gross, 
profligate, mocking Philip prepared the way for the truer 
expansion of France under his son and grandson. His reign 
is the bridge between the period of the early Capetians and 
the more fruitful and progressive period that begins with 
Louis VI. 

The history of the struggles of the Capetians and Caro- 
lingians, and of the first faint efforts of the former house to 
realise some of the high pretensions of the old 
Befs under Frankish monarchy, is only one side of the history 
the early q{ France during the tenth and eleventh centuries. 


Divided as was all the western world, there was 
no part of it more utterly divided in feeling and interest than 
the kingdom of the West Franks. When the early Capetians 
were carrying on their petty warfare in the regions between 
Seine and Loire, or making their vain progresses and empha- 
sising their barren claims over more distant regions, half a 
score of feudal potentates as able, as wealthy, and as vigorous 
as themselves were building up a series of local states with 
foundations as strong, and patriotism as intense, as those of 
the lords of Paris. The tenth and eleventh centuries saw 
the consolidation of the provincial nationalities of France, the 
growing up of those strong local states which play so con- 
spicuous a part in later mediaeval French history, and which, 
centuries after their absorption into the royal domain, con- 
tinued to be centres of keen local feeling, and are not 

Franu under the Early Capetians 83 

crushed out of existence even by modem patriotism and the 
levelling-up of the Revolution. Equally important with their 
political influence was their influence on arts, language, and 
literature. Into the details of this history it is impossible to 
go ; but without a general survey of the process, we should 
lose the key to the subsequent history of France. 

The first among the great fiefs of France to acquire a 
distinct character of its own was Normandy, which since the 
treaty of Clair-on-Epte in on had been handed „ 


over by Charles the Simple to Rolf the Ganger 
and his Viking followers. The pirates gave up their wandering 
life of plunder, became Christians, and tillers of the soil. 
RoUo divided the lands of his duchy among his kinsfolk and 
followers. In one or two generations, the descendants of the 
pirate chieftains became the turbulent feudal aristocracy that 
held even their fierce dukes in check, and found the little 
duchy too small a field for their ambition and enterprise. 
For a time they retained their Norse character. In some 
districts, especially in the Bessin and the Cotentin, the great 
mass of the population had become Scandinavian in tongue 
and manners. Constant relations with Norwegian and 
Danish kings kept alive the memory of their old home. 
Harold Blue Tooth protected Duke Richard against 
Louis IV. Swegen sought the help of the lord of Rouen 
in avenging the massacre of St. Brice on the English. But 
the ready wit and quick adaptability of the Scandinavian 
races could not long withstand the French influences sur- 
rounding them. The constant friendly relations between the 
Norman dukes and both the Carolingian and Capetian kings 
precipitated the change. The dukes and barons of Normandy 
became French in tongue and manners. But they became 
French with a difference. The French of Caen and Rouen 
were more restless, more enterprising, more ambitious, and 
more daring than the French of Paris and Orleans. The con- 
temporary chroniclers saw the importance of the distinction. 
' O France,' says Dudo of Saint-Quentin, ' thou wert crushed 

84 European History, 918-1273 

to the earth. Behold, there comes to thee a new race from 
Denmark. Peace is made between her and thee. That race 
will raise thy name and thy power to the heavens.' Nor was 
this prophecy a false one. Despite its constant turbulence, 
Normandy became filled with a vigorous local life that soon 
flowed over its own borders. What the Normans could not 
teach themselves, they learnt from wandering Italians or 
Burgundians. The Normans stood in the forefront of all the 
great movements of the time. They upheld the Capetians 
against the Carolingians. They became the disciples of Cluny, 
and from the Norman abbey of Le Bee soon flowed a stream 
of culture and civilisation that bade fair to rival Cluny itself. 
They covered their land with great minsters, and wrote stirring 
chansons de gestt in their Norman dialect of the French 
tongue. Yet they kept themselves so free of their suzerain's 
influence, that not even through the Church could the Capetian 
kings exercise any authority in Normandy. Throughout the 
whole province of Rouen, the Church depended either upon 
the local seigneur or upon the Norman duke. They were the 
champions of the Hildebrandine Papacy. They were foremost 
in the Crusades. Their duke, William the Bastard, conquered 
England, and in the next generation his Norman followers 
swarmed over Scotland, Wales, and Ireland. Private Norman 
adventurers attempted to found a kingdom in Spain, and 
set up a monarchy in southern Italy strong enough to wrest 
Sicily from Islam [see pages 1 04-1 18]. Throughout the length 
and breadth of Europe, Norman warriors, priests, and poets 
made the French name famous. With the activity of the 
Normans first begins the preponderance of French ideas, 
customs, and language throughout the western world. 

The old Celtic tribal state of Brittany had been almost 

overwhelmed by the Norman invasions, and had lost all its 

former prosperity. The most sacred shrines of 

Bnuany. ^^ ^^^^ crowd of the Breton saints were pillaged 
and destroyed. At the best, the holy relics were transferred 
to Paris, to Orleans, or some other safe spot, far away from 

France under the Early Capetians 85 

the marauding pagan. When Rolf got from Charles the 
Simple the duchy of Normandy, it is said that he asked for 
fresh land to plunder, while his followers learnt the arts of 
peace in their new home. In some vague way Charles 
granted him rights of suzerainty over Brittany. The Normans 
harried the land for another generation, and, as later in 
Wales and Ireland, many Norman chieftains settled down in 
the more fertile eastern districts of Upper Brittany. But a 
Celtic reaction followed. Led by Alan of the Tw^isted Beard 
{barbe torte), the native Bretons rose against their oppressors 
and made common cause with the Gallo-Roman peasantry 
against them. Alan became the founder of the county 
(afterwards duchy) of Brittany, a state half French and 
half Celtic, including besides *la Bretagne bretonnante' 
of the western peninsula of Lower Brittany, the French- 
speaking lands of the Lower Loire and the Vilaine, with the 
purely French town of Rennes for its capital, and the equally 
French Nantes for its chief seaport. But despite the differ- 
ences of tongue and custom, there was an essential unity 
of feeling in the new duchy, based on the disappearance 
both of the Celtic tribal system and the Gallo-Roman pro- 
vincial system in favour of a feudalism that was common to 
Celt and Frenchman alike. Brittany, despite its composite 
origin, retained and still retains a marked type of local nation- 
ality, less active and energetic than the Norman, but more 
dogged, persevering, and enduring. When Alan Barbe-torte 
died in 952, Brittany had become an organised feudal state. 

The county of Flanders grew up in the flat country 
between the Scheldt and the sea. Like Brittany, it had 
suffered terribly from Norman invasions. Like 
Brittany, it was not homogeneous in language and 
custom. In all the northern and eastern districts the Low 
Dutch tongue prevailed, but in the south-east, round Lille and 
Douai, French was spoken. Baldwin of the Iron Arm, a 
Carolingian official who became the son-in-law of Charles 
the Bald, distinguished himself by leading the Flemings to 

86 European History, 9 1 8- t 2 7 3 

victory against the Normans, and obtained from his father in- 
law an hereditary supremacy over the whole district bounded 
by the Scheldt, the North Sea, and the Canche, and therefore 
including the modern Artois with the homage of great barons 
like the counts of Boulogne and Saint-Pol. Four other 
Counts Baldwin continued their ancestor's exploits. Of these 
the most famous was Baldwin v., the uncle and guardian of 
Philip I., and the father-in-law of William the Conqueror. It 
was under Baldwin v. that the Flemish towns, whose strong 
walls had served to shelter previous generations from the 
Viking marauders, first enter upon their long career of poli- 
tical liberty and industrial prosperity. When Baldwin v. died 
in 1067, the year after his son-in-law's establishment in 
England, mediaeval Flanders had well begun its glorious 
but tumultuous and blood-stained career. To the south of 
Flanders lay the Vermandois, round its chief town 

Vermandois. --„.^. j-i,- 

of Samt Quentm, and mcludmg the northern parts 
of the restricted 'Francia' of the tenth century. We have 
seen the importance of its counts in the days of the struggle 
of Carolingians and Capetians, and the establishment of a 
Capetian line of counts of Vermandois in the person of Hugh 
the Great, the brother of Philip i. 

Champagne became the chief fief of north-eastern France. 
A special feature in this district was the power of the bishops, 
Champagne ^"^ in conscquence the influence of the crown, 
and Biois. The metropolitans of Reims played a great local 
as well as a great national part. The bishops of Chalons 
became counts of their cathedral city; the bishops of 
Troyes, the local capital, only just failed in attaining the 
same end. ' Everywhere,' we are told, 'the mighty oppressed 
the feeble, and men, like fishes, swallowed each other up.' 
In the course of the tenth century a strong lay power arose in 
this district under the counts of Troyes. During the tenth 
century the country was held by a branch of the house of 
Vermandois. In 1019 it passed, as we have seen, to the 
house of Blois. However, the power of the family was soon 

France under the Early Capetians Zy 

endangered by the separation of Champagne and Blois under 
the two elder sons of Odo ii., after his death in 1037. 

The county of Blois, itself the original seat of the Capetians 
but carved out of their dwindling domain in favour of a 
hostile house, had already been united with that of Chartres. 
The establishment of the same house in Troyes created 
a state which pressed upon Paris both from the west, 
south, and east, and was frequently hostile to it. Before 
long, this powerful line began to absorb the lesser feudatories 
of the eastern marchland, and to make its influence felt 
even over the great ecclesiastical dignitaries. After the 
county of Vitry was transferred from the obedience of 
the Archbishop of Reims to the authority of the counts of 
Troyes, the lords of the amalgamated fiefs assumed the 
wider title of counts of Champagne, and became one of the 
greatest powers in France, Against these gains the loss of 
Touraine was but a small one. Odo's grandson, Stephen, 
Count of Blois and Chartres (1089-1102), was one of the 
heroes of the First Crusade, and the father, by his wife Adela, 
daughter of William the Conqueror, of a numerous family in 
whose time the house of Blois attained its highest prosperity. 
His second son, Theobald (11. of Champagne and iv. of 
Blois, called Theobald the Great, died 1 152) reigned over both 
Blois and Champagne. His third son, Stephen, acquired not 
only the counties of Mortain and Boulogne but the throne of 
England. His fourth son, Henry, was the famous Bishop of 
Winchester. Though Blois and Champagne again separated 
under different lines of the house of Blois after Theobald's 
death, their policy remained united, and their influence was 
still formidable. 

Like Blois, Anjou grew up out of the original domains of 
Robert the Strong. Fulk the Red, who died in 941, and 
was rewarded with Anjou for his prowess in ^nou 
resisting the Normans, was the first hereditary 
Count of Anjou of whom history has any knowledge, though 
legends tell of earlier mythical heroes and a witch ancestress, 

8S European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

whose taint twisted into evil the strong passions and high 
courage of the later representatives of the race. Though their 
exploits are told in a somewhat romantic form, there remains 
enough to enable us to form more individual impressions of 
the fierce, wayward Angevin lords than of most of the shadowy 
heroes of early feudalism. With Geoffrey Martel, great- 
grandson of Fulk the Red, who died in 1060, the first line 
of the Counts of Anjou became extinct ; but his sister's son 
Geoffrey the Bearded got possession of the county, and became 
the ancestor of the famous line that later ages than their own 
celebrated as the house of Plantagenet. His descendants 
grew in dominions and influence. Touraine they had pos- 
sessed since Henry i. had transferred that county from the 
house of Blois to Geoffrey Martel. They now turned their 
eyes on Maine, the border district that separated them 
from the Normans. This brought about a long struggle 
between the Norman dukes and the Angevin counts, which 
was not finally ended until Henry i. of Normandy and 
England married his daughter, the widowed Empress Matilda, 
to Geoffrey the Fair, from which marriage sprang the greatest 
of the Angevins, Henry 11. of England, Normandy and Anjou. 
The duchy of Burgundy was the last remaining great fief of 
the Capetians in northern and central France. While various 
kingdoms, duchies, and counties of Burgundy grew 
"^ ^' up, as we have seen, in the imperial lands beyond 
the Saone and the Rhone, one Richard the Justiciar, famous 
like all the founders of fiefs as a successful foe of the Nor- 
man marauders, became, in 877, the first duke or marquis 
of that Burgundy which became a French vassal state. His 
brother was Boso, founder of the kingdom of Provence, his 
brother-in-law was Rudolf, king of Transjurane Burgundy, and 
his son was Rudolf, king of the French. His sons succeedea 
him in his rule, though for more than a century each suc- 
cessive duke received a fresh formal appointment ; and it 
was not until a junior branch of the Capetian house began 
>vilh Robert the Old (1032-1073), the younger brother of 

France under the Early Capetians 89 

King Henry i., that the hereditary duchy of Burgundy can be 
said to have been definitively established. 

South of the Loire the development of feudal states took 
even a more decided form than in the north. In these regions 
feudal separation had the freest field to run riot. 


There was still a nominal duke of Aquitaine, who 
might be regarded as having some sort of vague authority 
over the old Aquitania that was substantially synonymous 
with south-western France; but neither in Gascony, nor 
Auvergne, nor in La Marche, nor in the Limousin was any 
recognition paid to this shadowy potentate. The duchy of 
Aquitaine seemed on the verge of sharing the fate of the 
kingdom of France and disappearing altogether because it 
stood outside the newly grown feudal system, when, like the 
kingdom of France, it procured a new lease of life by being 
granted to a house that, like the Robertians of Paris, pos- 
sessed with great fiefs a firm position in the new system. 
In 028 Ebles, Count of Poitou, received a grant 

r , J , r » . • 1 • T.TM,- Poitou. 

of the duchy of Aquitame, and m 951 Wilham 
Tow-head, his son by a daughter of Edward the Elder of 
Wessex, was confirmed in his father's possession by Louis 
d'Outremer. The county that took its name from Poitiers 
was a substantial inheritance. It was the marchland that 
divided north and south, but its main characteristics were those 
of the north. Its uplands seldom permit the cultivation of the 
vine, and its manners, like its cHmate and tongue, were northern. 
As the dialects of Romance became differentiated, Poitou 
spoke, as it still speaks, a dialect of the north French tongue, 
the langue (ToiL Aquitaine proper spoke the southern langue 
(ToCf and differed in a thousand ways from the colder, fiercer, 
ruder, more martial lands of the north. But the infusion of 
fresh blood from Poitou saved the Aquitaine duchy from 
extinction. Eight dukes of Aquitaine and counts of Poitou 
reigned in succession to William Tow-head, seven of whom 
were named William. Under this line county after county was 
gradually added to the original fief of Poitou. At last all the 

90 European History, 918-1273 

Limousin, Auvergne, and parts of Berri owned them as at 

least nominal lords. Gascony, in the lands beyond the 

Garonne, had since 872 been ruled by a hereditary line of 

dukes, whose favourite name was Sancho. On the 


extmction of this family, Gascony, with its depen- 
dencies, passed in 1062 to William viii. of Poitiers, whose 
grandson William x., the last of the male stock of the house 
of the Guilhems, died in 1137, leaving the nominal over- 
lordship over the swarm of seigneurs that ruled the district 
between the Loire, the Pyrenees, and the Cevennes to his 
daughter Eleanor, whose vast inheritance made Louis vii. of 
France and Henry 11. of England in succession successful 
suitors for her hand. Under the fostering care of the 
Williams, Aquitaine had prospered in civilisation and the 
arts ; and their court at Poitiers, whose magnificent series of 
Romanesque basilicas still attests the splendour of their 
capital, became the centre of the earliest literary efforts of 
the troubadours, the poets and minstrels of the langue (foe, 
though the southern tongue of the court was not the Poitevins' 
native speech. 

To the east of Aquitaine the county of Toulouse became the 
nucleus of a sort of monarchical centralisation that, by the 

beginning of the twelfth century, had brought the 

Toulouse. 00 J I o 

French lands beyond the Aquitanian border, the 
imperial lands between the Alps and the Rhone, and the old 
Spanish march between the Pyrenees and the Ebro, to look to 
Toulouse as the source of its intellectual and almost of its 
political life. The lands dependent on the counts of Toulouse 
became emphatically the Languedoc, the region where the 
Romance vernacular of southern Gaul was spoken with the 
greatest purity and force. While the subjects of the dukes of 
Aquitaine had the purity of their Gascon contaminated by the 
Basque of the Pyrenean valleys, and the northern idiom of the 
lands beyond the Gironde and Dordogne, the followers of the 
counts of Toulouse spoke the same tongue as the Burgundian 
vassals of the count of Provence or the fierce marchers 

France under the Early Capetians 91 

ruled by the counts of Barcelona. The tongue of Oc has 
as much claim to be regarded as a language distinct from 
northern French, as northern French has to be considered 
separate from Italian or Spanish. It was the first Romance 
tongue that boasted of a strong vernacular literature, and those 
who spoke it were the first Romance people to attain either the 
luxuries or corruptions of an advanced civilisation. Its spread 
over southern Gaul drew a deep dividing line between northern 
and southern France that has not yet been blotted out. It 
gave the subjects of the southern feudalists, like the counts 
of Toulouse and the dukes of Aquitaine, a solidarity that 
made them almost separate nations, like the Flemings or the 
Bretons. Its vast expansion between the Alps and the Ebro 
bade fair to overleap the boundaries set by the Treaty of 
Verdun, and set up in those regions a well-defined nationality 
strong and compact enough to be a make-weight against the 
growing concentration of the northern French under the 
Capetian kings. But the civilisation of Languedoc flowered 
too early to produce mature fruit. We shall see how in the 
thirteenth century it succumbed to the ruder spirit of the north. 
Raymond i., the first hereditary count of Toulouse, died 
in 864. His successors, with whom Raymond was ever the 
favourite name, continued to grow in power until they had 
united all Languedoc early in the twelfth century. Their 
hereditary hostility to the dukes of Aquitaine, no less than 
the centrifugal tendencies of southern feudalism, which they 
could at best but partially counteract, prevented their authority 
from attaining wider limits. 

Such was the France of the tenth and eleventh centuries — 
divided, chaotic, anarchic, and turbulent, yet full of vigorous 
life and many-sided activity. Its growth was slower, its 
exploits less dazzling than those of contemporary Germany, 
though perhaps it was developing on more solid and per- 
manent lines. Even when Germany was still the chief political 
centre of the west, the fame of the French warrior had ex- 
tended over all Europe. The alliance with the Church did 

92 European History^ 918-1273 

much, the prevalence of the Cluniac idea did more to bring this 
about The wanderings of the Normans first spread abroad 
the terror of the Prankish name. The Crusades became 
an essentially Prankish movement, and made the Prankish 
knight the type of the feudal warrior. But the concentration 
of France into a great state followed very slowly on the 
growth of the reputation of the individual Frenchman. 



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End of the Dark Ages — Beginnings of the Cluniac Refornnation — The Con- 
gregation of Cluny— Cluniac ideals — Camaldoli and Vallombrosa — 
Henry iii. joins the Reformers — The German reforming Popes — Leo ix. — 
South Italy and Sicily in the Eleventh Century — The first coming of the 
Normans — Aversa — The sons of Tancred and the Conquest of Apulia — 
Robert Guiscard— Leo ix. and the Normans— Battle of Civitate— Early 
Career of Hildebrand — Nicholas 11. — The Reform of Papal Electioas — 
The Normans become Papal Vassals — Milan submits to Rome — Roger's 
Conquest of Sicily — Feudalism in Southern Italy, 

The Dark Ages were well over by the middle of the eleventh 
century, and after a century of anarchy, even feudalism had 
End of the bccome a comparatively tolerable form of govern- 
DarkAges. mcnt. The Stronger military States had absorbed 
their weaker neighbours, and, beyond the Alps at least, the 
disintegrating tendency of feudal doctrine had received a 
decided check, not only in the strong monarchy of the 
Germans, but even in the growth of vigorous feudal poten- 
tates such as the margraves of the eastern frontier of the 
Empire, the dukes of the Normans, and the counts of 
Flanders or of Toulouse. T here werfi -AjjaiiL forces^making 

1 Moeller's Church History (translated from the German), gives a bald 
but full and learned summary of the ecclesiastical history of the whole 
period. Gieseler's Church History (also translated), is valuable for its 
numerous citations of original texts. Besides Gibbon's famous fifty-sixth 
chapter on the Normans in Italy, Delarc's Lts Normands en Italic 
(1016-107S) gives an elaborate and careful account of the Norman history 
in Italy up to the accession of Gregory vii. 

The Cluniac Reformation 97 

towards order, law, and peace. The state had been saved 
from absolute annihilation. 

The_X)hurch,wasjiotj^etJn_S0-S5imd.Aposi^^ She had 

outlived the worst brutalities of the tenth century, but the 
fierce, lawless, grasping baron, who feared neither God nor 
man, was still an element to be reckoned with. The revived 
lay-power tended of itself to correct the worst abuses. The. 
Empire^hadj_as we have seen, reformed the Papacy^ But if 
the Church was to live, it could not owe its life to the 
patronage or goodwill of outside reformers. The Church 
must reform itself. 

5igns of such a purification of the Church from within had 

long been manifest, but the little band of innovators found it 
no easy task to preach to a world that knew no law but the 
law of the stronger. As ever in the Middle Ages, a r;£w 
monastic movement heralded in the work of reformation, f As 
the Carolingian reformation is associated with Benedict of 
Aniane, so is the reformation of the eleventh century 
associated with the monks of Cluny. i 

In om Duke William the Pious of Aquitaine founded a 

_new monastery at Cluny, in French Burgundy, a few miles 
from the bishop's town of Macon, rte appomted ^he early 
Berno, a noble Burgundian, as its head, and pro- history of 
cured for it absolute immunity from all external "y* 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction save that of the Roman See. (Berno 
strove to establish a complete and loyal observance of the 
rule of St. Benedict, and the piety and e arnestne gg ^[ tl'" "^'^"^^ 
soon attracted attention, wealth, followers. Corrupt old com- 
munities or new foundations sought the guidance of the pfO- 
tection of the abbots of Cluny. But the Benedictine system 
was limited to a single house, and afforded no room for the 
crowd of disciples who wished to attach themselves to the 
model monastery. Odo, the second abbot (927-941), started 
the memorable monastic reformation which, in a few. 
years, was emtjodied in tKe^* Consuetudines Cluniacenses,' 
and the * Con^^ation of Cluny.' By it a plan was found for 


98 European History, 918-1273 

combining formal adherence to the strict rule of St. Benedict 
with the practical necessity of maintaining the rule of Cluny 
over its dependent communities. If under the old system 
a new house were formed under the direction of a famous 
monastery, the new establishment, when it had received 
its constitution, parted company from its parent stock, 
and, like a Greek colony, became independent and self- 
governing. The Cluniac&_pr£Yented this by regar diDfi-4he 
daughter communities as parts of thems elves. In_whatSQ: 
ever part of ChristendoHi^ a monastery on Cluniac Imes 
The Con- ^^^ established, it was still in law a part of 
gregation the great Burgundian convent. Its head was 
of Cluny. jj^g arch-abbot, the abbot of Cluny. What local 
self-government was necessary was delegated to a prior, who 
was appointed by the abbot of Cluny, to whom he was 
responsible. From tim e tp time t he dependent rnmmnnities 
sent representatives to the periodical chapters that met at - 
Cluny, under the presidency of the abbot. By ^this mean s a 
unity of organisation, a military discipline, a control over 
weak brethren, and a security was procured, which was im- 
possible under the Benedictine rule. When each monastery 
was as independent for all practical purposes as a modem 
Congregational chapel, it was impossible, in an age when 
public opinion hardly existed, to reform a lax community, and 
it was difficult for an isolated flock of unwarlike men to 
protect tliemselves from feudal violence or the equally fierce 
hostility of the secular clergy. Besides unity of organisation, 
the control exercised over the whole order of Ouny gave 
the brethren unity of purpose, do ctrine , and jiolky. 

Brought under the immediate jurisdiction of Rome, at 
a time when monastic immunities from episcopal autho- 
rity had not become common, the Cluniacs taught from 
the beginning a high doctrine as to the power of the 
apostolic see. They saw that the^reat danger to religion 
was in the feudalisation of the Church. Bishops were in 
danger of becoming barons in mitres. Kings looked upon 

The Cluniac Reformation 99 

prelates as officials bound to do them service, and patrons 
sold benefices to the highest bidder. Monasteries were 
often in danger of absolute secularisation. So corrupt and 
lax were even the better sort of regulars that the Saxon monk 
Widukind, the historian of his people, naively complains 
of the ' grave persecution ' which beset the poor religious of 
his time, and laments the erroneous doctrines of some bishops 
who maintained that it was better that there should be a few 
ascetic regulars than houses filled with negligent monks, 
forgetting, as he innocently adds, that the tares and the 
wheat were ordered to grow up together until the harvest 
time. The chief dangers of the Church were simony and the 
marriage of clerks. To keep the Church apart from thg 
world seemed to the Cluniac leaders the only possible way 
oFsecuring a better state of things. Their ideal was the 
separation of the Church from the State, and the reorganisa- 
tion of the Church under discipline such as could only be 
exercised by the Pope, who was to stand to the whole Chuich 
as the abbot of Cluny stood to each scattered Cluniac 
priory — the one ultimate source of jurisdiction, the universal 
bishop, appointing and degrading the diocesan bishops as 
the abbot made and unmade the Cluniac priors. The bishop, 
the secular priest, even the monk, had no rights of his 
own that were not ultimately derivative from „. 

. -,..,,. Hierarchical 

the unique source of ecclesiastical authority, and Papal 
the chair of St. Peter. The Forged Decretals ideals of 

,. . , , Cluny. 

supplied convenient arguments for such a system. 
The necessities of the times supplied a sort of justification 
for it. Feudal anarchy made it natural for good men 
to identify the secular power with the works of darkness, 
and regard the ecclesiastical power as alone emanating 
from God. , After-ages were to show that the remedy was 
almost as bad as the disease, and that there was as much 
danger of secular motives, greed for domination, for wealth 
and influence in the uncontrolled exercise of ecclesiastical 
authority, as in the lay power that they dreaded. But the 

100 European History^ 918-1273 

early Cluniacs had faith in their principles, and sought in_ 
reah'sfng them to promote the kingdom of God on earth. 
They Hved holy and self-denj^ing lives in an_ag£.,of^]}rutal 
violence and lust. A moral and an intellectual reformation 
preceded and prepared the way for the ecclesiastical reform- 
ation that was preached from Cluny with the fervour of 
a new gospel j 

,'' Under the influence of the reformed clergy, study and 
Wrning again became possible to a large class. 1 Th e mon: 
astic and cathedral schools beyond the- Alps became the 
centres of ardent study of philosophy, theology, and science. 
In Italy grammarians expounded the classics, and civilians 
commented upon the Roman law. The career of Gerbert is 
but typical of that of a large number of others. The Lombard 
Lanfranc, and the Burgundian Anselm, took the new culture 
over the Alps to the Norman monastery of Le Bee , and, 
prepared the way for the new birth of learning . in 4he 
twelfth century. Nor did the monastic reformation stop with 
New order* the Congregation of Cluny. In Italy in particular. 
In Italy. where a swarm of new orders arose, extreme ascetic- 
ism and utter self-renunciation stood in strange contrast to 
the violence, greed, and profligacy that marked Italian life as 
a whole. Romuald of Ravenna, the spiritual director of 
Otto III., lived the life of a hermit, and gathered round himself 
great bands of solitaries from whom sprang the 
ama o order of Camaldoli, so called from an inaccessible 
spot in the Apennines, near Arezzo, where one of Romuald's 
troops of followers had settled. A monk of this order, Peter 
Damiani, soon took a very foremost part in the religious 
reformation of Italy, and first made the enthusiastic anchorites 
minister to the spread of the new hierarchical ideal. Not far 
from the hermits of Camaldoli, John Gualbert, a Tuscan 
lord, established the strict ccenobitic order of 
■ Vallombrosa. The same influence spread all over 
Europe, and penetrated into even the most conservative 
cloisters of the followers of St. Benedict. The faith, zeal, and 

The Cluniac Reformation loi 

enthusiasm oj^hechajn^ii^ of the new order carried every- 
thingjbefore it.^ Under Henry iii. the reformers, had- won 
over the Emperor himself to their cause. The Henry iii. 
strong arm of the king had purified the Papacy won over 
and handed over its direction to men of reforming 
the new school. But though willing to use party, 
the help of the secular arm to carry out their forward 
policy, the Cluniac reformers never swerved from their con- 
viction that lay interference with the spiritual power lay at the 
very root of the worst disorders of the time. /Even when 
accepting the favours of the great Emperor, they never lost 
sight of the need of emphasising the independence ot ttie 
_S£iriiuality.j However needful was the imperial sword to free 
the Papacy from the Tusculan tradition, and to put down 
the lazy monk and the feudalist bishop, they saw clearly that 
it stood in the way of the full realisation of their dreams. 

After the synod of Sutri, a whole series of German Popes 
was nominated by the Emperor, and received by the Church 
with hardly a murmur, though the young deacon ^j^^ oermai 
Hildebrand, soon to become the soul of the new reforming 
movement, attached himself to the deposed ^°p*'* 
Gregory vi. and accompanied him on his exile. But to most 
of the reformers the rude justice of Sutri seemed a just if 
irregular solution of an intolerable situation. The pu ritan 
zeal of the_jGeiman_Eopes- seemed the best result oniTe 
alTTahce of the Emperor and the reforming party. The first 
two reigned too short a time to be able to effect much, leaving 
it to Leo IX., the third German Pope, to permanently identify 
the papal throne with the spirit of Cluny. 

On the death of Damasus, the Romans called upon 
Henry iii., who was then at Worms, to give them another Pope 
The ^Eig peror chose f or this_j)ost his cousin Leoix., 
Bruno , the brother of Conrad of Carinthia, the »o48-io54- 
sometime rival of Conrad the Salic, and the son of the elder 
Conrad, uncle of the first of the Salian emperors. Despite 
his high birth, Bruno had long, turned from politics to the 

102 European History, giZ-\27i 

service of the Church, and had become tlie ardent disciple 
of Ihe school of Cluny. As bishop of Toul, he had governed 
his diocese with admirable care and prudence, and his great 
influence had enabled him to confer many weighty services, 
both on Henry and his father in Lorraine. When offered the 
Papacy by his kinsman, Bruno accepted the post only on the 
condition that he should be canonically elected by the clergy 
and people of Rome. Early in 1049 he travelled over the 
Alps in the humble guise of a pilgrim. He visited Cluny on 
his way to receive spiritual encouragement from his old 
teachers for the great task that lay before blm. He there 
added to his scanty following the young monk Hildebrand, 
whose return to the city in the new Pope's train proclaimed 
that strict hierarchical ideas would now have the ascendency 

at the Curia. Joyfully ;l^^ppti'r^ by th/^ "Rnnria^tLgj. Bninn 

assumed the title of Leo ix. For the short five years of 
his pontificate, he threw himself with all his heart into a 
policy of reformation. In an Easter Synod in Rome (1049), 
stern decrees were fulminated against simony and clerical 
marriage. But the times were not yet ripe for radical cure, 
and Leo was compelled to depart somewhat from his original 
severity. He soon saw that the cause he had at heart would 
not be best furthered by his remaining at Rome, and the special 
characteristic of his pontificate was his constant journeying 
through all Italy, France, and Germany. During these 
travels Leo was indefatigable in holding synods, attending 
ecclesiastical ceremonies, the consecration of churches, the 
translation of the relics of martyrs. His ubiquitous energy 
made the chief countries in Europe realise that the Papacy 
was no mere abstraction, and largely furthered the 
tion of the whole Church system under the direction of the 
Pope, /wherever he went, decrees against simony and the 
marriage of priests were drawn up. In Germany, Henry iii. 
gave him active support.) In France he excited the jealousy 
of King Henry i. Invited to Reims by the archbishop for 
the consecration of a church, he summoned a French 

The Cluniac Reformation 103 

Synod to that city. Alarmed at this exercise of jurisdic- 
tion within French dominions, Henry i. strove to prevent 
his bishops' attendance by summoning them to follow him 
to the field. Only a few bishops ventured to disobey their 
king, but a swarm of abbots, penetrated by the ideals of 
Cluny, gave number and dignity to the Synod of Reims, 
and did not hesitate to join the Pope in excommunicating 
the absent bishops. The restless Leo sought to revive the 
feeble remnants of North African Christianity, and began the 
renewed troubles with the Eastern Church, which soon led 
to the final breach with the Patriarch Caerularius [see page 
167]. The all-embracing activity of Leo led to his active 
interference in southern Italy, where the advent of a swarm 
of Norman adventurers had already changed the whole com- 
plexion of affairs. 

Early in the eleventh century, southern Italy and Sicily 
were still cut off from the rest of Europe, and, as in 
the days of Charlemagne, were still outposts both of the 
Orthodox and Mohammedan East. Sicily had southern 
been entirely Saracen since the capture of Syra- Italy and 
cuse in 877 [see Period i. pp. 460-461]. Though Eleventh 
the predatory hordes, which landed from time to Century. 
time on the mainland of Italy, had failed to establish per- 
manent settlements, the various attempts ot the Eastern Em- 
perors to win back their former island possession had proved 
disastrous failures. In southern Italy the Catapan or governor 
of the Greek Emperors still ruled over the 'theme of Lom- 
bardy' from his capital of Bari, but in the tenth century, the 
Lombard Dukes of Benevento, Salerno, and Capua won back 
much of the ground that had been lost by their ancestors. 
The transient successes of Otto 11. (981-2), had done some- 
thing to discourage Greeks and Saracens alike, despite the igno- 
minious failure that ultimately led to his flight [see pages 38-39J. 
In the early years of the eleventh century, southern Italy was 
still divided between Greeks and Lombards, and the growing 
spirit of Catholic enthusiasm made the Orthodox yoke harder 


European History, 918-1273 

to bear by those subjects of the theme of Lombardy who 
were Italian rather than Greek in their sympathy. Between 
loii and 1013 Meles, a citizen of Bari, a Catholic of 
Lombard origin, took advantage of a Saracen inroad to 
revolt against the Eastern Emperor. Driven into exile by 
the failure of his attempt, he sought all over southern Italy 



X r-jY^-*?-!**'---' ^"" ' 1 ^-^-^ I'rirlia.- 

.>'■'' (sA-LERNo; c/ !«r-\ X,,„,„„ 

JJit dcue» mark Ihe pri>yrt*t 
of (he yorman ConquetU except I 
Otom. of battle* Q'^. 




Sattem Umpire marked L- 
Lombard llnrJiie* •■ L 

Saracen land* 

i:ccie«iaMtcat po/i*e**iont underiinil 

for allies to recommence the struggle. The fame of the 

The first Normans as soldiers was already known in the 

coming south of Italy, and chance now threw Meles in 
of the , /• ».T . ., . 

Normans, the way of somc Norman warrior-pilgrmis, whom 

»o»7- devotion to the Archangel had taken to the 

sanctuary of St. Michael, in Monte Gargano, in imitation of 

which a Neustrian bishop had some generations before set up 

the famous monastery of St. Michael in Peril of the Sea 

Italy in the Eleventh Century 105 

Meles proposed to the pilgrim leader, Ralph de Toeny, 
that he should join with him against the Greeks. Pope 
Benedict viii. encouraged the enterprise, and the adventurous 
Normans greedily welcomed the opportunity. I n 10 17, Meles 
and his northern allies won a victory over the— Gree k s a t - 
Civitate in the Capitanata. '^This'vict'ory,' sang the Norman 
'fhyming chronicler, William of Apulia, 'mightily increased the 
courage of the Normans. They saw that the Greeks were 
cowards, and that, instead of meeting the enemy face to face, 
they only knew how to take refuge in flight.' . . 
Other Normans flocked from their distant home Ralph of 
on the report of rich booty and fair lands to be '^"^"y- 
won on easy terms in Apulia. But they despised their enemy 
too much, and in 10 19 a battle fought on the historic field 
of Cannae annihilated_jhe_HttleJS[Qiiaaa--feaiid. Meles and 
Ralph hastened over the Alps, in the hopes of interesting 
Henry 11. in their cause. Even the death of Meles was 
not fatal to the fortune of his allies. Some survivors 
from Cannae took service with the princes of Capua and 
Salerno, and the abbot of Monte Casino. They were mere 
mercenaries, and wiUingly sold their swords to the highest 
bidder. When Henry 11. made his transient appearance in 
southern Italy in 1022 [see page 50], he found his chief 
obstacle in the new Greek fortress of Troja, obstinately de- 
fended by some valiant Normans in the pay of their old foe 
the Catapan. 

^^th^'rNrrrnrvnfi nnw flnrkfid-tii itiP liiifl nf prnmisf Among 
these was a chieftain named Ranulf, who joined Sergius, 
Prince of Naples, a vassal of the Greeks, in his war against 
the Lombard prince Pandulf of Capua. In reward for his 
services Ranulf received one of the richest districts of the 
Terra di Lavoro, where he built in 1030 a town named 
^yersa, th e first Norman settlemen t in I taly, pounjatjon 
This foundation makes a new departure in Nor- of Aversa, 
man policy. The Normans no longer came to ^°^°" 
Italy as isolated adventurers willing to sell their swords to the 

1 06 European History ^ 918-1273 

highest bidder. By much the same arts as those by which 
their brethren later got hold of the fairest parts of Wales 
and Ireland, the adventurers strove to carve feudal states 
for themselves out of the chaos of southern Italy. Whilst 
cleverly utilising the feuds that raged around them, they 
pursued their interests with such dexterity, courage, and 
clear-headed selfishness, that brilliant success soon crowned 
their efforts. Conrad 11. sojourned at Capua in 1038, de- 
posed Pandulf and confirmed Ranulf in the possession of 
Aversa, which he erected into a county owing homage to the 
Western Emperor. Three of the twelve sons of the Norman 
lord, Tancred of Hauteville, now left their scanty patrimony in 
the Cotentin and joined the Normans in Italy. Their names 
_. , were William of the Iron Arm, Drogo, and Hum- 

The sons of > B ' 

Tancred of phrcy. In 1038 they joined the Greeks under 
Hauteville. Gcorgc Manlaccs in an attempt to expel the 
Mohammedans from Sicily. Messina and Syracuse were 
captured, but an affront to their companion-in-arms Ardouin 
drove the Normans back to the mainland in the moment of 
victory, and led them to wreak their vengeance on the Greeks 
by a strange compound of violence and treachery. Ardouin 
their friend took the Greek pay and became governor of 
Melfi, the key of Apulia. He proposed to the Normans that 
he should deliver Melfi to them, and make that a starting- 
point for the conquest of Apulia, which he proposed to 
divide between them and himself. The northerners accepted 
Conquest of ^is proposals. In 1041 Melfi was delivered into 
Apulia, 1041-2. their hands, and a long war broke out between 
them and their former allies. By shrewdly putting Adenulfus, 
the Lombard Duke of Benevento at the head of their armies, 
the Normans got allies that were probably necessary in the 
early years of the struggle. But they were soon strong 
enough to repudiate their associate. The divisions of the 
Greeks further facilitated their task. In 1042 William of the 
Iron Arm was proclaimed lord of the Normans of Apulia, 
with Melfi as the centre of his power. 

Italy in the Eleventh Century 107 

In 1046 William of Apulia died, and Drogo, his brother, 
succeeded him. ^enry in., then in Italy, recognised Drogo 
as Count of Apulia, while renewing the grant of Aversa 
to another Ranulf. He also urged the Normans to drive out 
of Benevento the Lombards, who after the spread of the 
Norman power were making common cause with the Greeks. 
About this time a fourth son of Tancred of Haute- Robert 
ville came to Italy, where he soon made himself the Cuiscard. 
hero of the Norman conquerors. Anna Comnena, the literary 
daughter of the Emperor Alexius, describes Robert Guiscard 
as he appeared to his enemies. ' His high stature excelled 
that of the most mighty warriors. His complexion was ruddy, 
his hair fair, his shoulders broad, his eyes flashed fire. It is 
said that his voice was like the voice of a whole multitude, and 
could put to flight an army of sixty thousand men.' A poor 
gentleman's son, Robert was consumed by ambition to do 
great deeds, and joined to great bravery and strength an 
extraordinary subtlety of spirit. His surname of Guiscard is 
thought to testify to his ability and craft. Badly received by 
his brothers in Apulia, he was reduced to taking service with 
the Prince of Capua against his rival of Salerno. Events 
soon gave him an opportunity of striking a blow for himself. 
/ Meanwhile, a formidable combination was forming against 
the Normans. Argyrus, son of Meles, had deserted his father's 
policy and came from Constantinople, as Patrician and Cata- 
pan (Governor), with special commissions from the ^^^ y^ ^^^^^ 
Emperor. Unable to persuade jhe Norg aans to against the 
take service with the Emperor against the^ ersians, Normans, 
he soo n wag ed war"openly against them, and procured the 
murder of Count DrogO'ih 105 1, but was soon driven to take 
refuge in Bari. Meanwhile Leo ix. had become Pope, and 
his all-absorbing curiosity had led him to two journeys i nto 
southern Italy, where he persuaded tlie in habitants of B ene- 
vento to accept the protection of the Holy See against the 
dreaded Northmen. It looked as if the Eastern and Western 
Empires v/ere likely to combine with the Papacy and the 

lo8 European History, 918-1273 

Lombards to get rid of the restless adventurers. In 105 a 
Henry ni. granted the duchy of Benevento to the- Roman 
Church, and Leo hurried from Hungary to o outh o Fn - I taly to 
enforce his claims on his. new possession. . 

In May 1053 Leo ix. reached Monte Casino. (There soon 
flocked round him a motley army, drawn together from every 
district of central and southern Italy and eager 
Civitate, to u phold t he Holy Fa ther against _the N g^man 
'°53- usurpers ;\ but the Tew hundred Germans, who had 

followed the Pope over the Alps, were probably more service- 
able in the field than the mixed multitude of Italians. The 
Normans, abandoned by their allies, united all their scanty 
forces for a decisive struggle. The armies met on 18th 
June near Civitate (Civitella) on the banks of the Fortore, 
the place of the first Norman victory in Italy. The long- 
haired and gigantic Germans affected to despise their 
diminutive Norman foes, and the fiercest fight was fought 
between the Pope's fellow - countrymen and Humphrey 
of Hauteville, the new Count of Apulia, who commanded 
the Norman right. There the Norman horse long sought 
in vain to break up the serried phalanx of the German 
infantry. But the left and centre of the Normans, led respec- 
tively by Richard, the new Count of Aversa, and Robert 
Guiscard, easily scattered the enemies before them, and, 
returning in good time from the pursuit, enabled Humphrey 
to win a fi nal victory ove r the German s. L^o ix. barel y 
escapea with his ilbert ylrom the fata l field. Peter Damiani 
and the zealots denounced him for his unseemly participation 
in acts of violence, and the object which had induced him to 
depart fronrhis sacred calling had been altogether unfulfilled. 
Peace I ^^ retired to Benevento, where he soon came to an 
between the understanding with the Normans, giving the m h^is 
and the"* apOstotTC^IessiDgand ab^o^yJlgthenLjrom their 
Pope. blood-guiltiness. ] Even in the moment of victory 

the Normans had shown every _respect--ta;Jhe_head_of_tiie-^ 
Church, and self-interesT now combined with enthusiasm to 

Italy in the Eleventh Century 109 

make them his friends. But Leo entered into no formal 
treaty with them. He remained at Benevento, carefully 
watching their movements and corresponding with Constan- 
tine Monomachus in the hope of renewing the league against 
them. But his dealings with the Greek Empire soon broke 
down owing to the theological differences which the acute 
hostility of Leo and Michael Caerularius now brought to 
a head. Leo gave up all hope of western help when he 
fulminated the excommunication against Caerularius, which 
led at once to the final split of Catholic and Orthodox. In 
the spring of 1054 he returned to Rome and died. His 
exploits and holy life had given him a great reputation 
for holiness, and he was canonised as a saint. Even the 
disaster of Civitate and the eastern schism did little to 
diminish his glory. 

Leo ix.'s successor as Pope was another German, Gebhard, 
bishop of Eichstadt, who took the name of Victor 11. (1054- 
1057). He continued to work on the Unes of victor 11., 
Pope Leo, though more in the spirit of a politi- ^°54-io57- 
cian. During Victor's pontificate, Henry in. made his 
second and last visit to Italy (1055). His presence was highly 
necessary. His strongest Italian enemy, the Henry iii -s 
powerful Marquis Boniface- of-Tuseanyj-was-^ad, last visit to 
leaving_an only daught er Matilda heiress of hi s ^**'^' ^"^ 
great inherT^pEE BOnil'ace's widow Beatrice soon found a 
second husband in Godfrey the Bearde d, D uke of Lowe r 
Lorraine, the chief enemy of Henry in Germany. In this 
'union jhere was a '^^'^z^'^ ^^ ^^'^ Cfrm-xrv ^rvA Ttn^j^n QppQ;^j. 
tion to the Enrpire^ijeiftg^-CGmbifted. But the formidable 
league dissolved at once on Henry's appearance. G pdfrey fled 
from Ital y, and_ B£ atrire nnd her d aughta weie led iiilu li tmour- 
abte' captivity in Germany. Godfrey's brother Frederick, 
hithfirtoa scnemmg ecclesiastic, renounced the world, and be- 
came one of the most zealous of the monks of Monte Casino. 
But the death of the Emperor and the long minority that 
followed, soon restored the power of the heiress of Boniface. 


no European History, giZ- 1 27 1 

The Countess Matilda, powerful alike in Tuscany and north of 
the Apennines, became the most zealous of the allies of the_ 
Position of ^^Sl'^ ^^^ support gave that material assist- 
the Countess ance without which the purely spiritual aims of 
Mauida. ^^^ Papacy could hardly prevail. At the moment 
when the Papacy had permanently absorbed the teachings of 
Cluny, it was a matter of no small moment that the greatest 
temporal power of middle Italy was on its side. It was a 
solid compensation for Leo's failure against the Normans. 

We have now come to one of the real crises of history. 
The new spirit had gained ascendency at Rome, and the 
Hiidebrand's great man had arisen who was to present the 
early career papal ideal with all the authority of genius. 
Hildebrand of Soana ^ was the son of a well-to- 
do Tuscan peasant ; he had been brought up by his uncle, 
abbot of the strict convent of St. Mary's on the Aventine, 
which was the centre of the Cluniac ideas in Rome, and 
where he made his profession as monk. He became the 
chaplain of Gregory vi. who, though he bought the Papacy 
with gold, had striven his best to carry out the work 
of reformation. When deprived of his office at Sutri, 
Gregory vi. had been compelled to retire to Germany with 
the Emperor. Hildebrand, now about twenty-five years old, 
accompanied his master in his exile. In 1048 the deposed 
Pope died, and his chaplain betook himself to Cluny, where 
he remained for a full year, and where, he tells us, he would 
have gladly spent the rest of his life. But in 1049 Leo ix. 
passed through Cluny on his way to Rome, and Hildebrand 
was commanded to accompany him. With his return to 
Rome his active career began. As papal sub-deacon he 
reorganised the crippled finances of the Holy See, and 

* Stephen's Hildebrand and his Times (' Epochs of Church History '), 
gives a useful summary of the life and work of the future Gregory vii. ; 
see also Stephen's essay on Hildebrand in his Essays on Ecclesiastical 
Biography. Bowden's Life and Pontifii ate of Gregory VII. , and Villemain's 
Histoire de Gregoire VII. give fuller accounts. 

Italy in the Eleventh Century 


strengthened the hold of the Pope over the unruly citizens. 
As papal legate he was sent to France in 1054 to put down 


—-.M 1 

\i,\\ I'una 



C.uii.iM. li^V 


"^^ -/'^ J DUCHY 



'■** °^ "^w V "Vv S P L E T O, 

Sutrio/> >-s \ V ,' 

/^Tivon \ 

t'uymier papcUlanda uajmped l/y secular jx)(KeK»_.iiii^Sd Lands ofOie. Voiinless JIdlilda.. 
Eomttrpapal lands held by the Coiinieee MatildctJMMjMM Tapal terrilor;/ ^ 

the heresy of Berengar of Tours, But the death of Leo 
recalled him to Italy, whence he went to the Emperor at the 

1 1 2 European History, 918-1273 

head cf the deputation that successfully requested the appoint- 
ment of Victor II. With this Pope he was as powerful 
as with Leo. But Victor 11. died in 1057, and Frederick of 
Lorraine left his newly-won abbot's chair at Monte Casino to 
Stephen IX., ascend the throne of St. Peter as Stephen ix. 
X057-1058. Though a zealot for the ideas of Cluny, Stephen, 
as the head of the house of Lorraine, was the natural leader 
of the political opposition to the imperial house both in 
Germany and Italy. He made Peter Damiani a cardinal, 
and zealously pushed forward the warfare against simony in 
Germany. Stephen's early death in 1058, when Hildebxaod 
was away in GernT!rrry^~BroQp;tTt ~ abirm trTYew^r isis. The 
Counts of Tusculum thought the moment opportune to make 
a desperate effort to win back their old influence. They 
terrorised Rome with their troops, and brought about the 
irregular election of one of the Crescentii, who called himself 
Benedict x. The prompt action of Hildebrand preserved 
the Papacy for the reforming party. He hurried back to 
Florence, and formed a close alliance with Duke Godfrey of 
Lorraine, Stephen's brother, against the nominee of Tusculum. 
The stricter cardinals met at Siena and chose Gerhard, Bishop 
of Florence, a Burgundian by birth, as orthodox Pope. Gerhard 
Nicholas II., held another synod at Sutri, where the Antipope 
1058-1061. ^as formally deposed. Early in 1059 he entered 
Rome in triumph. By assuming the name of Nicholas 11., 
he proclaimed himself the successor of the most successful 
and aggressive of Popes. As Arc hdeacon o f Rome, Hildebrand 
acted as chief minister to the Pope whom he had made. 
Henceforth till his death he dominated ths-Papal policy. 
While previous reformers had sought salvation by calling 
the Emperor over the Alps, Hildebrand had found in Duke 
Godfrey and his wife champjons as effective for his purpose 
on Italian soil. Wit h tKe estaBTis ^e nt"brPop e Nicholas, 
through the arms of Godfrey and Matilda, the imperial alliance 
ceases to become a physical necessity to the reforming party 
in Italy. Hildebrand had won for the Church her freedom. 
Before long he began to aim at domination. 

Italy in the Eleventh Century i 1 3 

Nicholas 11. ruled as Pope from 1058 to 1061. Within 
those few years, three events were brought about which 
enormously strengthened the position of the Papacy, already 
possessed of a great moral force by its permanent identification 
with the reforming party, and the final abasement of the un- 
worthy local factions, that had so long aspired to wield its 
resources. ^These events were the settlement of the method 
of papal elections, the establishment of a close alliance between 
the Papacy and the Normans of southern J^taly, and the 
subjection of Lombardy to the papal authority.^ 

In 1059 Nicholas held a synod in the Lateran which 
drew up the famous decree that set aside the vague ancient 
rights of the Roman clergy and people to choose Lateran 
their bishop, in favour of the close corporation Synod and 

*• . * reform in 

of the College of Cardinals. The decree was Papai eiec- 
drawn up in studiously vague language, but put **°"®' "59- 
the prerogative voice into the very limited circle of the seven 
cardinal bishops of the suburbicarian dioceses. These were 
to add to themselves the cardinal priests and deacons, 
whose assent was regarded as including that of clergy and 
people at large. A Roma n clerk was to be p ^'^ff rrpf^ '^ 
worthy, and Rome waT~to "Be the ordinary place of election; 
but, if difficulties intervened, any person could be chosen, 
and any place made the seat of election. The due rights 
of King Henry and his successo rs tq_cqnfirm their jchoice 
wereTeserved, "But ui terms that suggested a special personal 
favour granted of his own goodwill by the Pope to a crowned 
Emperor, rather than the recognition of an immemorial legal 
right. The decree did not, as was hoped, save the Church 
from schisms like those of Benedict x. Neither was the 
pre-eminence of the suburbicarian bishops permanently main- 
tained. But henceforth th&i eg a l right , ofj.hft rardinals t.o-b€ 
the electors of future Popes became substantially uncontested. 
It is not likely that this involved any real change of prac- 
tice. But in embodying custom in a formal shape it gave 
subsequent efforts to set up Antipopes the condemnation 


114 European History, ()1?>-12J I 

of illegality, and so stood the Papacy in good stead in the 
troubles that were soon to ensue. The council also witnessed 
the abject degradation of the Antipope and the recantation of 
the heretic Berengar of Tours. 

In the years that followed the battle of Civitate, the Nor- 
mans had steadily extended their power over Apulia and 
TheNormana Calabria. But the south of Italy is so rugged and 
become the mountainous that even the bravest of warriors 
the Pope, could Only win their way slowly. In 1057 the 
'059- valiant Count Humphrey died, leaving his sons 

so young that he had been constrained to beg his brother 
Robert to act as their protector. But the barons of Apulia 
insisted that Robert should be their count in full succession 
to Humphrey. Soon after Roger of Hauteville, the youngest 
of the twelve sons of Tancred, left the paternal roof to share 
the fortune of his brothers. ' He was,' says Geoffrey of 
Malaterra, 'a fine young man, of lofty stature and elegant 
proportions. Very eloquent in speech, wise in counsel, and 
gifted with extraordinary foresight, he was gay and affable 
to all, and so strong and valiant that he soon gained the good 
Roger of graces of every one.* Robert Guiscard received 
Hauteville. Roger in a more brotherly spirit than had been 
shown on his own first arrival by Drogo and Humphrey. 
He gave him a sufficient following of troops and sent him 
to Calabria, where he soon established himself as lord 
of half the district, though under his brother's overlordship. 
Meanwhile, Richard of Aversa had driven out the I>ombards 
from Capua and added it to his dominions. The Normans 
were still, however, not free from danger from the Popes. 
Victor II. had disapproved of teo ix.'s policy, yet before his 
death he had become their enemy. Stephen ix. formed 
various projects against them. But Hildebrand now turned 
Nicholas 11. Xo wiser counsels. In 1059 Hildebrand went in 
person to r.apua anH rnnr\uf\fA a tf^ atv with C ount Richard, 
who, as the ally of the monks of Monte Casino, was the 
most friendly of the N orman chieftains to the Church. 

Italy in the Eleventh Century 1 1 5 

Almost immediately the archdeacon returned to Rome with 
a strong Norlnan escort, and soon alter a Norman army spread 
terror among the partisans of the Antipope. In the summer 
of 1059 Nicholas himself held a synod in Melfi, synod 
the Apulian capital, where he passed canons con- ^^ Meie. 
demning married priests. After the formal session was over, 
the Pope made Robert Guiscard Duke of Apulia and Calabria, 
and ' future Duke ' of Sicily, if he should ever have Robert, Duke 
the good luck to drive out the infidels. In return of Apulia; 
Robert, ' Duke by the grace of God and of St. D°uke of ^^ ' 
Peter,' agreed to hold his lands as the Pope's Capua. 
vassal, paying an annual rent of twelve pence for each plough- 
land. Richard of Capua, either then or earlier, took the same 
oath. Thus the famou s alliance between i-hp Nj^rmaiis and 
the Papacy was consummated, which by uniting the strongest 
military power in Italy to the papal_ policy, enabTed"'tIie 
Holy See to wield the temporal with almost as much effect 
as the spiritual sword. Thus the Papacy assumed a feudal 
suze raii^ty ove r^_soutb£in__Itajy which outlasted the Middle 
AgesZ /Withinseven years of the Synodof Melfi, the estab- 
lishment of the Norman duke William tHe~~ Bastard in 
England, as the ally of the Pope, still further bound the 
most restless, active, and enterprising race in Europe to the 
apostolic see. j 

/ The Pope now intervened decisively in the long struggle 
between the traditional and the strict parties in Lombardy, 
where the ancient independence of the arch- The Patarini 
bishops^of-^ilan had-l^^g been assailed by the '" Lombardy. 
Patarini or rag-pickers, as th e refor ipprg wfiff; ront^'^p^"'Y'.'=^y 
called. Lovers of old ways in the north, with the Archbishop 
Guido of Milan at their head, had long upheld clerical marriage 
as the ancient custom of the Church of St. Ambrose. Peter 
Damiani was now sent as papaLlegate to Milan to uphold t he 
' rag-bags ' in their struggle. At a synod held in Milan, the 
zealous monk made short work of the married Clerks knd of 
the immemorial rights .oLthe arclibishop. Guido proffered an 

1 1 6 European History ^ 918-1273 

abject submission and received a contemptuous restitution of 
his archbishopric Tl ^continuance of the friendship^ ofjjrod- 
Miian ^"^^^ *"^ Matilda secured middle Italyj as the 

Bubmiu to alliance with Normans and PatarmT had secured 
Rome. jj^g south and the north. The strongest princes of 

Gaul and Burgundy were on the zealots' side. The imperialist 
prelates of Germany, headed by Anno of Cologne, made a 
faint effort to stem the tide, but the decrees fulminated by 
German synods against Nicholas and his work were un- 
known or disregarded in Italy. 

The untimely death of Nicholas in no wise altered the 
course of events. The next Pope, Alexander 11., was 
Alexander II. Anselm, Bishop of Lucca, who had shared with 
1061-1073. Peter Damiani in the victory over the simoniacs 
and married clerks in Lombardy. His appointinetU by the 
cardinals without the least reference to King Henry iv. gave 
the greatest offence in Germany, and brought to a head_ 
the growing tension between Empire and Papacy. A synod 
at Basel declared Pope Alexander's election invalid, and set 
up an Antipope, Cadalus, Bishop of Parma, who had been the 
real soul of the opposition to the Patarini in Lombardy. 
Honorius 11. (this was the name he assumed) hurried over the 
Alps, and in 1062 was strong enough, with the help of the Counts 
of Tusculum, to fight an even battle with AlexandecJs parti- 
sans, and for a time to get possession of St. Peter's. (But the 
factions that controlled the government of the young Henry iv. 
could not unite even in upholding an Antipope, while the 
religious enthusiasm, which the reforming movenient had 
evoked, was ardently on the side of Alexander^ Con- 
demned by Anno of Cologne and his party in Germany, 
Honorius was rejected in 1064 by a council at Mantua. 
Nevertheless, he managed to live unmolested and with some 
supporters until his own death in 1072. HissuccessfuLxixal 
Alexander only outlived him a year. It was then time for 
the archdeacon himself to assume the responsible leadership 
of the movement which he had so long controlled. In io73_ 
Hildebrand became P ope Gre gory vil 

Italy in the Eleventh Century 1 17 

The reconciliation with the Papacy stood the Normans in 
good stead. He nceforth they pose d as the champions of 
Western CathoHcism against Eastern Orthodoxy Later 
and Islam. Though the Norman chieftains still triumphs 

- . ° . . of Robert 

wrangled hotly with each other, the tide in ouiscard, 
south Italy had definitely turned in their favour. ^068-1085. 
In 107 1 the capture of Bari, after a three years' siege, finally 
expelled the Greeks from Italy. The Lombard principality 
of Salerno was also absorbed, and the greater part of the 
territories of the dukes of Benevento, save the city and its 
neighbourhood, which Robert Guiscard, much to his own 
disgust, was forced to yield to his papal suzerain. We shall 
see in other chapters how Robert crossed the Straits of 
Otranto and aspired to conquer the Greek Empire, how he 
came to the help of Gregory vii. in his greatest need, and how 
his son Bohemund took part in the first Crusade and founded 
the principality of Antioch. When Robert died in 1085, all 
southern Italy acknowledged him as its lord, save the rival 
Norman principality of Capua, the half-Greek republics of 
Amalfi and Naples, and the papal possession of Benevento. 

While Robert Guiscard was thus consolidating his power 
in the peninsula, an even harder task was being accomplished 
by his younger brother Roger, sometimes in alliance, and 
sometimes in fierce hostility with the Duke of Apulia. The 
grant of Nicholas 11. had contemplated the extension of the 
Norman rule to Sicily. The divisions of the Mohammedan 
world had cut off the island from the Caliphate of the Fati- 
mites, and its independent Ameers were hardly equal to the 
task of ruling the island and keeping in order a timid but 
refractory population of Christian serfs. The 
increasing power of Robert was fatal to the inde- conquest of 

pendence of Roger in Calabria, and he gladly siciiy, 

, , . . . ,- , ,• -1 7^, . 1060-X10X. 

accepted the mvitation of the discontented Chris- 
tians of Messina to deliver them from the bondage of the 
infidel. In 1060 Rog er led his first exp ejitionjo Sicily^ which 
was unsuccessful. But early next year he came again, and 

1 1 8 European History ^ 9 1 8- 1 27 3 

this time the dissensions of the Mohammedans in S icily 
enabled him to have friends among Saracens as well as 
Christians. In the summer of 106 1 Robert came to his help. 
Messina wiis Msi]j[^ captured, and proved invaluable as the 
starting-point of later expeditions. The infidels were badly 
beaten at the battle of Castrogiovanni, and before the end of 
the year the standards of Roger had waved as far west as 
Girgenti. The first successes were not quite followed up. In 
1064 the Normans were forced to raise the siege of Palermo. 
The compact Mussulman population of Western Sicily 
opposed a very different sort of resistance to the invaders 
from that which they had experienced in the Christian East. 
But the process of conquest was resumed after the capture of 
Bari had given Robert leisure to come to his brother's help. 
In 1072 Palermo was taken by the two brothers jointly. 
Robert claimed the lion's share of the spoil. Roger, 
forced to yield him the suzerainty of the whole island, and a 
great domain under his direct rule, including Palermo and 
Messina, threw himself with untiring zeal into the conquest of 
the parts of the island that still adhered to Islam. Thirty 
years after his first expedition, the last Saracens were expelled 
^ , _. „ from the rocky fastnesses of the western coasts, 

The feudali- ^ . ' 

sation of and the inaccessible uplands of the intenor. The 
Napies and Normans took with them to Italy their language, 
their manners, their art, and above all, their polity. 
On the ruins of the Greek, Lombard and Saracen power, the 
Normans feudalised southern Italy so thoroughly that the 
feudalism of Naples and Sicily long outlasted the more in- 
digenous feudalism of I'uscany or Romagna. Freed from his 
grasping brother's tutelage after 1085, Roger ruled over Sicily 
as count till his death in iioi. We sHalTsee how his son 
united Sicily with Apulia in a single sovereignty, which has 
in various shapes endured as the kingdom of Naples or Sicily, 
until the establishment of a united Italy in our own days. 

Italy in the Eleventh Century 


Tancred of Hauteville. 



William of the 

Iron Arm, 

Lord of Apulia, 

eL 1046. 

Drogo, Humphrey, 

Count of Apulia, Count of Apulia, 
d. 1051. d. 1057. 

Duke of Apulia, 
d. mi. 


Duke of Apulia, 

d. 1127. 

Duke of 
d. 1085. 



Count of 


d. iioi. 


King of Sicily, 

and Duke 

of Apulia, 

d. XIS4. 

Duke of Apulia. 

d. 1 194. 

ROGER in. 

d. 1194. 

deposed by 
Henry vi. in 

nt. Walter 



the Bad, 

d. 1 166. 



the Good, 

d. I 189. 

ttt. Joanna, 

daughter of 

Henry II. 

of England. 



d. 1 197. 

d. 1350. 



Minority of Henry iv, — Regency of Agnes — Rivalry of Adalbert and Anno — 
The Saxon Revolt — Election of Gregory vii. — Beginnings of the Investi- 
ture Contest — Canossa and its results — Rudolf of Swabia and Guibert of 
Ravenna — The Normans and Gregory vn. — Victor 11 1. and Urban 11. — 
Last years of Henry iv. — Henry v. and Pascal 11, — Calixtus 11. and the 
Concordat of Worms — Death of Henry V. 

While the Cluniac movement had at last attained ascend- 
ency over the best minds of Europe, and a swarm of monastic 
reformers had prepared the way for the great revival of 
spiritual religion and hierarchical pretensions ; while in Italy 
strong papalist powers, like the Countess Matilda and the 
Normans of the south, had arisen to menace the imperial 
•n rit ^"thority, the long minority of Henry iv. sapped 
of Henry IV., the personal influence of Caesar over Italy and 
io56-:o73. brought about a lengthened period of faction and 
weak rule in Germany. On Henry iii.'s death, his son, 
Henry iv., was a boy of six. The great Emperor's power 
secured the child's undisputed succession, but was too 
personal, too military in its character to prove any safe- 
guard against the dangers of a long minority. Nor did 
the choice of ruler during Henry iv.'s nonage improve the 
state of affairs. Henry iii.'s widow, Agnes of Poitou, a 
pious well-meaning lady, acted as regent for her son, but 
her weakness of will and inconsistency of conduct 
the Empress gavc fuU scopc to discontented nobles ready to 
Agnes, take advantage of a woman's sway. The lay 

nobles availed themselves of her helplessness to 
plunder and despoil the prelates, while they complained that 
Agnes neglected their counsels for those of low-born courtiers 

The Investiture Contest 121 

and personal favourites. After six years of confusion the 
Empress was driven from power. Anno, Archbishop of Cologne, 
a vigorous, experienced, and zealous prelate, full of ambition 
and violence, joined himself with Otto of Nordheim, the newly 
appointed Duke of Bavaria, Count Egbert of Brunswick, and 
some of the bishops, in a well-contrived plot to get possession of 
the young king. In May 1062 the three chief con- Abduction of 
spirators visited the king at his palace of Saint Henry by 
Suitbert's, situated on an island in the Rhine, Cologne, 
some miles below Diisseldorf, now called Kaisers- ^°^- 
werth. One day after dinner Anno persuaded the boy 
king to inspect an elaborately-fitted-up barge. As soon as 
Henry had entered the boat, the oarsmen put off and rowed 
away. Henry was soon frightened and plunged into the 
water, but Count Egbert leapt in and rescued him. The 
king was pacified by flattery and taken to Cologne. The 
crowd cried shame on the treachery of the bishop, but 
Henry remained in his custody, and Agnes made no serious 
attempt to regain her authority, but reconciled herself with 
Anno and retired into a monastery. Anno proposed to the 
magnates that the regency should be exercised by the 
bishop of the diocese in which the king happened to be 
staying. By carefully selecting the king's places of abode, he 
thus secured the reality of power without its odium. By 
throwing over the Antipope he procured the support of the 
Hildebrandine party, and was likened by Peter Damiani to 
another Jehoiada. But his pride and arrogance soon raised 
him up enemies; and young Henry, who never forgave his 
abduction, bitterly resented his tutelage. 

Adalbert, Archbishop of Bremen, took the lead among 
Anno's enemies. He was a man of high birth, Rivalry of 
great experience, and unbounded ambition, an old Adalbert of 
confidant of Henry in., and filled with a great AnnTo"***** 
scheme for making his archbishopric a permanent Cologne, 
patriarchate over the infant churches of Scandi- ^°^-^^°- 
naVia. He made himself personally attractive to the king, 

122 European History, 91 8- 1 273 

who contrasted his kindness and indulgence with the 
austerity of Anno. By Adalbert's influence Henry was 
declared of age to govern on attaining his fifteenth year in 
1065. Henceforth Adalbert disposed of all the high offices 
in Church and State, and growing more greedy as he became 
more successful, excited much ill-will among the religious by 
plundering the monasteries right and left. He appropriated 
to himself the two great abbeys of Lorsch and Corvey, and 
sought in vain to propitiate his enemies by allowing other 
magnates, including even his rival Anno, to similarly despoil 
other monasteries. The king was made so poor that he 
hardly had enough to live on. But Adalbert at least sought 
to continue the great traditions of statecraft of Henry in., 
and showed more policy and skill than the crowd of bishops 
who had previously shared power with Anno. At last, in 
ro66, the nobles combined against Adalbert at a Diet at 
Tribur, and Henry was roundly told that he must either 
dismiss Adalbert or resign his throne. Adalbert retired to 
his diocese, and Anno and Otto of Nordheim again had the 
chief control of affairs. But neither party could rule with 
energy or spirit, and Henry, now nearly grown up, showed no 
decided capacity to make things better. The young king was 
tall, dignified, and handsome. He was affable and kindly to 
men of low rank, with whom he was ever popular, though he 
could be stem and haughty to the magnates, whose power he 
feared. He had plenty of spirit and fair ability. But he 
had been brought up so laxly by Archbishop Adalbert that 
he was headstrong, irresolute, profligate, and utterly defi- 
cient in self-control. He never formulated a policy, and if 
he championed great causes, he did so blindly and in 
ignorance. Married to Bertha, daughter of the Marquis 
Odo of Turin, in 1065, he gave offence both to her power- 
ful kinsfolk and to the strict churchmen by refusing to 
live with her, and talking of a divorce. He had now to 
put down open rebellions. In 1069 the Margrave Dedi strove 
to rouse the Thuringians to revolt, and in 1070 Otto of 

The Investiture Contest 123 

Bavaria, the most important of the dukes surviving, after the 
death of Duke Godfrey of Lorraine in the previous year, was 
driven into rebellion. So divided were the German nobles, 
so helpless the German king, that instead of ruling the Italians, 
there seemed every prospect of the Italians ruling them. In 
1069 Peter Damiani went to Germany as legate, and compelled 
Henry to reconcile himself with Bertha. Peter was horrified 
at the unblushing simony of the German bishops, and, on his 
report. Anno of Cologne and several other of the greatest 
prelates of Germany were summoned to Rome and thoroughly 
humiliated. Anno atoned for his laxity by his edifying dis- 
charge of the meanest monastic duties in his own great 
foundation at Siegburg, but his influence was gone and his 
political career was at an end His fall brought Adalbert 
back to some of his ancient influence. The death of the 
Archbishop of Bremen in 1072 unloosed the last link that 
connected the new reign with the old traditions. 

Henry iv.'s reign now really began. A thorough Swabian, 
his favourite ministers were Swabians of no high degree, and 
he had no faith in the goodwill or loyalty of the ^j^^ saxon 
men of the north. He had kept vacant the Saxon Revolt, 
dukedom. On every hill- top of Saxony and **^3-*o75- 
Thuringia he built strong castles, whose lawless garrisons 
plundered and outraged the peasantry. There__a:as— «rer- 
fierce ill-will between northern and southern .Germany during 
the Middle Ages. The policy of the southern Emperor soon 
filled the north with anger, and the Saxon nobles prepared for 
armed resistance. In io73_^ Henry fitted out an expedition, 
whose professed destination was againsFlEe^ Poles. It was 
believed in Saxony that his real object was to subdue the 
Saxons and hand them over to the Swabians. Accordingly in 
the summer of 1073 a general Saxon revolt broke out, headed 
by the natural leaders of Saxony both in Church and State, 
including the Archbishop of Magdeburg, the deposed Duke 
Otto of Bavaria, and the fierce Margrave Dedi, already an 
unsuccessful rebel. The insurgents demanded the instant 

r 24 European History, 918-1273 

demolition ot the castles, the dismissal of Henry's evil coun- 
sellors, and the restitution of their lands that he' had violently 
seized. On receiving no answer they shut up Henry in the 
strong castle of Harzburg, whence he escaped with the utmost 
difficulty to the friendly cloister of Hersfeld. In the course of 
the summer the rebels destroyed many of the new castles. 
The levies summoned for the Polish campaign refused to 
turn their arms against the Saxons, and Henry saw himself 
powerless amidst the general falling away. A meeting at 
Gerstungen, whereJEIenry!aJiigiid& strove tn mediate with 
the rebels, led to a suggestion that the king should be- 
deposjd^ Only at Worms and in the Swabian cities did 
Henry receive any real support He gathered together a 
small army and strove to fight a winter campaign against 
the Saxons, but failed so completely that he was forced to 
accept their terms. However, hostilities were renewed in 
1075, when Henry won a considerable victory at Hohenburg 
on the Unstrut, and fbrced the Saxons to make an uncondi- 
tional submission. Otto of Nordheim, the Archbishop of 
Magdeburg, and the other leaders were imprisoned. On 
the ruins of Saxon liberty Henry now aspired to build up a 

Hildebrand was_na\L.PQpe. During the funeral service of 
Alexander 11. at St. John's in the Lateran, a great shout arose 
Election of ^"^^"^ ^^ multitude in the church that Hildebrand 
Gregory VII. should be their bishop. The cardinal, Hugh 
*'*^" the White, addressed the assembly. ' You know, 

brethren,' he said, 'how, since the time of Leo ix., Hilde- 
brand has exalted the Roman Church, and freed our city. 
We cannot find a better Pope than he. Indeed, we cannot 
find his equal. Let us then elect him, who, having been 
ordained in our church, is known to us all, and thoroughly 
approved by us.' There was the great shout in answer: 
' Saint Peter has chosen Hildebrand to be Pope ! ' Despite 
his resistance, Hildebrand was dragged to the church of 
St. Peter ad Vincula, and immediately enthroned. The 

The Investiture Contest 125 

cardinals had no mind to upset this irregular election, 
strangely contrary though it was to the provisions of 
Nicholas 11. )^ The German bishops, alarmed at Hildebrand's 
reputation for "severity, urged the king to quash the appoint- 
ment, but Henry contented himself with sending to Rome to 
inquire into the circumstances of the election. Hildebrand 
showed great moderation, and actually postponed his conse- 
cration until Henry's consent had been obtained. This 
Henry had no wish to withhold. On 29th June 1073 
Hildebrand was hallowed bishop. By assuming the name 
of Gregory vii., he proclaimed to the world the invalidity of 
the deposition of his old master at the Synod of Sutri. j 

The wonderful self-control which the new Pope had shown 
so long did not desert him in his new position. Physically, 
there was little to denote the mighty mind within j^.^ ^j^^^. 
his puny body. He was of low stature, short- acterand 
legged and corpulent. He spoke with a stammer, po'^'^y- 
and his dull complexion was only lighted up by his glittering 
eyes. He was not a man of much learning or originality, and 
contributed little towards the theory of the papal or sacer- 
dotal power. But he was one of the greatest practical men_ 
of the Middle Ages ; and his single-minded wish to do what 
was right betokened a dignity of moral nature that was rare 
indeed in the eleventh century. His power over men's minds 
was enormous, even to their own despite. The fierce and 
fanatical Peter Damiani called him his 'holy Satan.' 'Thy 
will,' said he, 'has ever been a command to me — evil but 
lawful. Would that I had always served God and St. Peter 
as faithfully as I have served thee.' Even as archdeacon he 
assumed so great a state, and lived in such constant inter- 
course with the world, that monastic zealots like Damiani 
were scandalised, and some moderns have questioned 
(though groundlessly) whether he was ever a professed 
monk at all. Profoundly convinced of the truth of the 
Cluniac doctrines, he showed a fierce and almost unscrupu- 
lous statecraft in realising them that filled even Cluny 

1 26 European History, 918-1273 

with alarm. His ideal was to reform the world by. establish- 
ing a sort of universal monarchy for the Papacy. He 

saw all rmmfl JiitTi thqf kingg anH prinrpg wprp'pn<ypr1pgs 

for good, but mighty for evil. He saw churchmen living 
greedy and corrupt livesfor_M(aiiL of higher direction and 
control. , Looking at a world distraught by feudal anarchy, 
his ambition was to restore the 'peace of God,' civilisation, 
and order, by submitting the Church to the Papacy, and the 
world to the Church. * Human pride,* he wrote, ' has created 
the power of kings ; God's mercy has created the power of 
bishops. The Pope is t he master of Emp erors. He is 
rendered holy by the merits of his predecessor, St. Peter. 
The Roman Church has never erred, and Holy Scripture 
proves that it never can err. To resist it is to resist God.' 
For the next twelve years he strove with all his might to 
make his power felt throughout Christendom. Sometimes 
his enthusiasm caused him to advance claims that even his 
best friends would not admit, as when William the Conqueror 
was constrained to repudiate the Holy See's claims of feudal 
sovereignty over England, which, after similar pretensions 
had been recognised by the Normans in Sicily, Gregory and 
his successors were prone to assert whenever opportunity 
offered. The remotest parts of Europe felt the weight of his 
influence. But the intense conviction of the righteousness 
of his aims, that made compromise seem to him treason to 
the truth, did something to detract from the success of his 
statecraft. - He was too absolute, too rigid, too obstinate, too 
extreme to play his part with entire advantage to himself and 
his cause. Yet with all his defects there is no grander figure 
in history. \ 

Gregory realised the ma^n JtiiHp nf his t aslf^_hiiMTg ppvpr 
shrank from iT ^I would that you knew,' wrote he to the 
Abbot of Cluny, ' the anguish that assails my soul. The 
Church of the East has gone astray from the Catholic faith. 
If I look to the west, the north, or the south, I find but few 
bishops whose appointments and whose lives arc in accordance 

The Investiture Contest 127 

with the laws of the Church, or who govern God's people 
through love and not through worldly ambition. Among 
princes I know not one who sets the honour of God 
before his own, or justice before gain. If I did not hope 
that I could be of use to the Church, I would not 
remain at Rome a day.* From the very first he was beset 
on every side with difficulties. Even the alliance with 
the Normans was uncertain. Robert Guiscard, with his 
brother Roger, waged war against Gregory's faithful vassal, 
Richard of Capua; and Robert, who threatened the papal 
possession of Benevento, went so far that he incurred excom- 
munication. Philip of France, ' the worst of the tyrants who 
enslaved the Church,' had to be threatened with interdict. 
A project to unite the Eastern with the Western Church 
broke down lamentably. A contest with Henry iv. soon 
became inevitable. But Gregory abated nothing of his high 
claims./ In February 1075 he held a synod at Rome, at which 
severe decrees against simony and the marriage -j-he Synod 
of clerks were issued; The practice of lay in- of 1075, and 
vestiture, by which secular princes were wont to simont'^and 
grant bishoprics and abbeys by the conferring of Lay investi- 
spiritual symbols such as the ring and staff", had *""" 
long been regarded by the Cluniacs as the most glaring of 
temporal aggressions against the spiritual power. This prac- 
tice was now slerniy forbidden." * If any one,' declared the 
synoctr ' liKiicefoilli reOiilve Iroin the hand of any lay person 
a bishopric or abbey, let him not be considered as abbot or 
bishop, and let the favour of St. Peter and the gate of the 
Church be forbidden to him. If an emperor, a king, a 
duke, a count, or any other lay--pgrson_presume to give 
investiture of anj[_eccle siastical dignity, leT him be ex cbm- 
municated.' This decree gave- t he signal for the grea t 
Investiture Contestj_and_ for Jhe^g reater struggle j^f Papa ry 
and Empire that convulsed Eiirope^^ave during-oeeasional 
breaks, for the next two^cepiuries, 

Up^u the issQe^oTthe decree as to investitures, the relation 

1 28 European History, 918-1273 

between Gregory and Henry iv. ]taf1 "'^'^ ^''^n y^friVnHjj 
Henry had admitted that he had not always respected the 
The begin- rights of the Church, but had promised araend- 
ningaofthe ment for the future. But to give up investitures 
Contest, would have been to change the whole imperial 
»o75- system of government. He was now freed, 

by his victory at Hobenburg, from the Saxon revolt. The 
Gerinan bishops, afraid of the Pope's strictness, encouraged 
his resistance, and even in Italy he had many partisans. 
The Patarini were driven out of Milan, and Henry scrupled 
not to invest a new archbishop with the see of St. Ambrose. 
Even at Rome, Gregory barely escaped assassination while 
celebrating mass. In January 1076 Henry summoned a 
Council at German council to Worms. Strange and in- 
worms, 1076. credible crimes were freely attributed to the Pope, 
and the majority of the German bishops pronounced him 
deposed. Henry himself wrote in strange terms to the Pope : 
' Henry, king not by usurpation but by God's grace, to Hilde- 
brand, henceforth no pope but false monk, — Christ has called 
us to our kingdom, while He has never called thee to the 
priesthood. Thou hast attacked me, a consecrated king, who 
cannot be judged but by God Himself. Condemned by our 
bishops and by ourselves, come down from the place that 
thou hast usurped. Let the see of St. Peter be held by 
another, who will not seek to cover violence under the cloak 
of religion, and who will teach the wholesome doctrine of 
St. Peter. I, Henry, king by the grace of God, with all of 
my bishops, say unto thee — "Come down, come down.'" 

In February 1076 Gregory held a great synod in the 
Vatican, at which the Empress Agnes was present, with a 
Vatican great multitude of Italian and French bishops. 

Synod, 1076. A clerk from Parma named Roland delivered 
the king's letter to the Pope before the council. There 
»ras a great tumult, and Roland would have atoned for his 
boldness with his life but for the Pope's personal inter- 
vention Hejugt— was — oo^^-^oni mll y ex^oiyiMmpicated and 

The Investiture Contest 129 

deposed. ' Blessed Peter,' declared Gregory, ' thou and the 
"^TotHeTof God and all the saints are witness that the Roman 
Church has called upon me to govern it in my own despite. 
As thy representative I have received from God the power to 
bind and to loose in Heaven and on earth. For the honour 
and security of thy Church, in the Name of God Almighty, 
I prohibit Henry the king, son of Henry the Emperor, who 
has "risen with unheirrd-of pride~against thy CTiurch, from 
ruling German y, and I tal]^. I release, all Christians, from the_ 
oath^joffealty they may have taken to h im, and T order that 
no one^sFaTToBeyTiUDu' 

War was thus declared between Po pe and king. Though 
the position of both parties was sutticiently precarious, Henry 
was at the moment in the worst position for „, 

i^r Cdkticss 

carrying on an internecine combat. He could of Henry's 
count very little on_ th^, suppodL^sOiis ^German position in 
subjects.-' Those who most feared the Pope were 
the self-seekers and the simoniacs, whose energy was small 
and whose loyalty less. The saints and the zealots were all 
against him. TheS^^xons prr>fitgd_hy J]i5? gml;>^rrassment.s. 
to renew their revolt, and soon ^haged his ^^ajjisnns o^it r>f 
their land. The secular nobles, who saw in his policy 
the bBgfnnings of an attempt at despotism, held aloof from 
his court. It was to no purpose that Henry answered 
the anathemas of Gregory with denunciations equally un- 
measured, and complained that Gregory had striven to unite 
in his hands both the spiritual and the temporal swords, 
that God had kept asunder. Hermann, Bishop of Metz, the 
Pop^e^legate_iii_Q ermany, abl yjjnjted thejorces agamsL^m. 
At last, the nobles and bishops of Germany gathered together 
on 1 6th October 1076 at Tribur, where the papal legates were 
treated with marked deference, though Henry took up his 
quarters at Oppenheim, on the other bank of the Diet of 
Rhine, afraid to trust hi mself amidst_ hjs_jiis=- Tribur, 1076. 
affected subjects. Henry soon saw that he had no alternative 
but submission. The magnates were so suspicious of him that 


1 30 European History, 918-1273 

it needed the personal intercession of Hugh, Abbot of Cluny, 
to prevail upon them to make terms with him at all.~ Finally 
Humiliation ^ provisional agreement was patched up, upon con- 
of Henry. ditions excessively humiliating to Henry. The_ 
barons refused^o-obey-lumlunliLie Jiad obtain ed abso lution 
from the Pope, who, moreover, h id promised to go to Germany 
in person and hold a council in the succeeding February. 
Pending this, Henry was to remain at Speyer without kingly 
revenue, power, or dignity, and still shut off by his excom- 
munication from the offices of the Church. If Henry could 
not satisfy the Pope in February, he was to be regarded as 

Abandoned by Germany, Henry abode some two months 
at Speyer, gloomily anticipating the certain ruin to his cause 
that would follow the Pope's appearance in a German council. 
He realised that he could do nothing unless he reconciled 
himself to Gregory ; and, hearing good news of his prospects 
in northern Italy, thought that his best course was to betake 
himself over the Alps, where the Pope might well prove less 
rigorous, if he found him at the head of a formidable band of 
Italian partisans. It was a winter of extraordinary severity, 
but any risks were better than inglorious inaction at Speyer. 
Accordingly Henry broke his compact with his 
winter nobles, and towards the end of December secret- 

joumey jy get out on his journey southward. He was 

through Bur- ' • j i t^ , ,,.,-, 

gundy and accompanied by Bertha and his little son, but only 
Lombardy, one German noble was included among his scanty 
following. He traversed Burgundy, and kept his 
miserable Christmas feast at Besangon. Thence crossing 
the Mont Cenis at the risk of his life, he appeared early in 
the new year amidst his Lombard partisans at Pavia. But 
though urged to take up arms, Henry feared the risks of a new 
and doubtful struggle. Germany could only be won back by 
submission. He resolved to seek out the Pope and throw 
himself on his mercy. 
Gregory was then some fifteen miles south of Reggio, at an 

The Investiture Contest 1 3 1 

impregnable mountain stronghold belonging to the Countess 
Matilda, called Canossa, which crowned one of the northern 
spurs of the Apennines, and overlooked the canossa, 
great plain. He had sought the protection of J^"- ^°77- 
its walls as a safe refuge agaTnsf'lIie~"ttn*eate'ned Lombard 
attack which Henry, it was believed, had come over the Alps 
to arrange. The Countess Matilda and Hugh of Cluny, 
Henry's godfather, were with the Pope, and many of the 
simoniac bishops of Germany had already gone to Canossa 
and won absolution by submission. On 21st January 1077 
Henry left his wife and followers at Reggio, and climbed 
the steep snow-clad road that led to the mountain fastness. 
Gregory refused to receive him, but he had interviews with 
Matilda and his godfather in a chapel at the foot of the 
castle-rock, and induced them to intercede with the Pope 
on his behalf. Gregory would hear of nothing but complete 
and unconditional submission. * If he be truly penitent, fet 
him surrender his crown and insignia of royalty into our 
hands, and confess himself unworthy of the name and honour 
of king.' But the pressure of the countess and abbot at 
last prevailed upon him to be content with abject contrition 
without actual abandonment of his royal state. For three days 
Henry waited in the snow outside the inner gate of the castle- 
yard, barefoot, fasting, and in the garb of a penitent. On 
the fourth day the Pope consented to admit him into his 
presence. With the cry ' Holy father, spare me ! ' the king 
threw himself at the Pope's feet. Gregory raised him up, 
absolved him, entertained him at his table, and sent him 
away with- much good advice and his blessing. /But the 
terms of Henry's reconciliation were sufficiently hard. He 
was to promise to submit himself to the judgment of the 
German magnates, presided over by the Pope, with respect 
to the long catalogue of charges brought against him. Until 
that was done he was to abstain from the royal insignia and 
the royal functions. He was to be prepared to accept or 
retain his crown according to the judgment of the Pope as 

132 European History ^ 918-1273 

to his guilt or innocence. He was, if proved_innQcent,io 
obey the Pope in all things pertaining to the Church. If 
he broke any of these conditions, another king was to be 
forthwith elected.^ 

The humiliation of Henry at Canossa is so dramatic and so 
famous an event that it is hard to realise that it was but an 
Results of incident in the midst of a long struggle. It settled 
Canossa. nothing, and profited neither Henry nor Gregory. 
Gregory found that his harshness had to some extent alienated 
that public opinion on which the Papacy depended almost 
entirely for its influence. Henry found that his submission. 
had not won over his German" enemies, but had thoroughly 
disgusted the anti-papal party in northern ttily, upon which 
alone he could count for armed support. The Lombards 
now talked of deposing the cowardly monarch in favour 
of his little son. But the future course of events rested 
after all upon the action of the German nobles, who 
held their Diet at Forchheim in March 1077. To this 
Diet of assembly Henry was not even invited ; and for the 

Forchheim, present he preferred remaining in Italy. The 
March 1077. p^jpg ^X^o did DOt appear in person, but was 
represented by two legates. I The old charges against Henry 
were brought up once more, and the legates expressed their 
wonder that the patient Germans had submitted so long to be 
ruled by such a monster. Without giving Henry the least 
opportunity of refuting the accusations, it was determined to 
proceed at once t o the choice of a new king. The suffrages 
of the magnates fell on Duke Rudolf oFbwabia. Before his 
Rudolf of appointment, Rudolf was compelled to renounce 
swabia, all hereditary claim to the throne on behalf of his 

Anti-caesar. j^^j^^ ^^^ ^^ allow freedom of election to all 

bishoprics. He was then crowned at Mainz by Archbishop 
Siegfried. / 

The news of Rudolfs election at once brought Henry back 
over the Alps. He soon found that he now had devoted 
partisans in the land that had rejected him when he was under 

The Investiture Contest 133 

the ban of the Pope. He was warmly welcomed in Bavaria, 
in Burgundy, and especially in the great towns of the Rhine- 
land, always faithful to the imperial cause, civiiwar 
Rudolfs own duchy of Swabia rejected its duke l^^Y^^t" , 

• c r , • , , , , , , Rudolfand 

m favour of the prmce who had ever loved the Henry, 
Swabians. Rebel ^Saxony was a_lQne- strongly- 1077-1080. 
on Rudolfs .§i(Je. Even the Pope could not make up his 
mind to ratify the action of his legates and accept Rudolf 
as king. For more than two years civil war raged between 
Rudolf and Henry. It was substantially a continuation of the 
Saxon revolt. At last, in January io8o, a decisive battle was 
fought at Flarchheim on the banks of the gattieof 
Unstrut, in which Henry. Jieas_ utterly defeated. Flarchheim, 
During all this time Gregory had contented ^°^' 
himself with offers of arbitration. TtlDTigh Henr y p rft o t ise d 
lay investiture as freely as ever, it was not until after his 

, defeat that the Pope once more declared Himself against him. 

/Yielding to the indignant remonstrances of Rudolf ahd"^tKe" 
Saxons, he convoked a synod at Rome in March 1080, where 
he renewed Henry's excQIIimUBicafioh , and again ^Rg^g^gj 
deprived jhin^ q { hJI IrJngdnmn nf^ftTfrnin]' and excommuni- 
Italy. "'Act so,' said Gregory to the assembled Jeposluon 
prelates, ' that the world shall know that ye who of Henry, 
have power to bind and to loose in heaven, can ^^^'^ *° * 
grant or withhold kingdoms, principalities, and other possessions 
according to each man's merits. And if you are fit to judge 
in things spiritual, ought ye not to be deemed competent to 
judge in things temporal?' R udolf was now r ecognised as 
king, and another universal prohibition of lay investitures was 

Gregory boasted that, before the next feast of SS. Peter 
and Paul, Henry would have lost his throne and his life. 
But each fresh aggression of the Pope increased his rival's 
power. Henry now showed an energy and vigour that con- 
trasted strangely with his spiritless action three years before. 
Both in Germany and Italy he found himself supported 

134 European History, 918-1273 

by partisans as enthusiastic as those of the Pope. The 
bishops of Germany declared for him, and the old foes 
Guibertof of the Popc in Italy took courage to continue 
Ravenna j^g contest. In Tunc Henry met at Brixen the 

elected ^ , ^ .r , . , "' , 

Antipope, Gcrmap and Italian bishops who adhered to his 
juneioSo. side.,<^^his assembly declared Gregory deposed 
and excommunicate, and |2lected Guibert, Archbishop of 
Ravenna as his successor. ./ 

The new Antipope had in his youth served Henry in., 
and, as chancellor of Italy, had striven to uphold the 
imperial authority during Henry iv.'s minority. He had 
once been on friendly terms with Gregory, but had quarrelled 
with him, and had for some time been the soul of the 
imperialist party in north Italy. He was of high birth, un- 
blemished character, great abilities, and long experience. He 
assumed the title of Clement ui., and at once returned to 
Ravenna to push matters to extremities against Gregory. 
The rash violence of the Pope had been answered with 
equal violence by his enemies. The re w ere two Popes 
and two Emperors. The sword alone could decide between 

^y^ortune favoured Henry and Clement both in Germany 
and Italy. On 15th October 1080 a great battle was fought 
D ..t. .».- on the banks of the Elster, not far from the 

Battle on tne ' 

Elster, and later battlefields of Liitzen. The fierce assault of 
Rudolf' Otto of Nordheim changed what threatened 
15th October to be a Saxon defeat into a brilliant victory for 
"'^^ the northern army. But Rudolf of Swabia was 

slain, and the victorious Saxons wasted their opportunity 
while they quarrelled as to his successor. It wajjj^ariy a 

year before they could agree upon Hermann of 
Luxemburg, Luxemburg as their new king. Before this the., 
Anu-casar, back of the revolt had been broken, and Henry, 

secure of Germany, had once more gone to Ttalyr" 
Crossing the Brenner in March 1081, Be went on progress 
through the Lombard cities, and abode with Pope Clement at 

The Investiture Contest 135 

ttavenna. T hence he set m it for Rome, meeting little resist- 
ance on his way save fromtHe Countess Matilda. Henry's visit 
The Normans of Naples, o n whose help Gregory to Italy, 
had counted, made no effort to protect their 
suzeram. In May Henry celebrated the Whitsun feast 
outsideTlTe walls of Rome. 

Gregory did not lose his courage even with the enemy 
at his gate. The Romans wer#fakW«l to him, and Henry, 
who saw no chance of besieging the great city successfully, 
was for ced to re treat northwards Ijy the feverish heat of 
summer, lie retired to Lombardy, where his . vvar 
position was unassailable. Next year h g y as bark between 

, - , ,1 r -i-v i^"~" 7 Henry and 

agam before the walls of Roirie, but the occupa- Gregory, 
tion of Tivoli was his greatest success. In 1083 1081-1084. 
a third attack gave him possession of the Leonine city, but 
even m this extFemity Gregory would listen to no talk of 
concnratipru "'^LeftFe'Ting Tay down his crown and make 
atonement to the Church,' was his answer to those who 
besought him to come to terms. In the early months of 
1084 Henry invaded Apulia and kept in check the^ofmans, 
who at last were niakin&-a-6how-of.iielping- the Pope. In 
March he appearedJfor_the_ipjarikJiine^^ This 

time the] ^mans opened their gates, and Gregory- 

~ r~ ii \ ~ 1 • 1 1 r o A Coronation 

was closely besieged in the castle of St. Angelo. of Henry by 
A synod was hastily summoned, which renewed G^ibert, 
his deposition and excommunication. On Palm 
Sunday, 1084, Guibertjwas enthroned, and on Easter Day 

he crowned Henry Emperor aTSl. Petei's; 

Gregory~sent H'Olli llie castlii of St. Angelo an nr gpnf 
appeal for help to Robert Guis card. During the troubles 
of tlT5~tesnewyears, Robert's obligations to his 

• L J • , 1 1- , , . • ,. TheNor- 

suzeram had weighed very lightly upon him, but mans come 
Henry's invasion of Apulia and the certain ruin to Gregory's 
of the Normans in Naples if the Pope succumbed, 
at last brought him to decided action. Hastily abandoning 
his Greek campaign, Robert crossed over to Italy, and in May 

136 European History, 918-1273 

advanced to the walls of Rome with a large and motley army, 
in which the Saracens of Sicily were a prominent element. 
Henry, who had no force sufficient to resist, quitted Rome, and 
soon crossed the Alps. The Romans tried in va in to dd gnd 
Iheif city fro m the Nor mans. After a four days* siege treason 
Sack of opened the gates. Rome was ruthlessly sacked, 
Rome. whole quarters were burned down, hideous mas- 
sacres and outrages were perpetrated, and thousands of 
Romans were sold as slaves. The Normans thea marched 
home. Gregory could not remain in the desolate city, and 
followed them to Salerno. The Antipope kept his Christmas 
amid the ruins of Rome, but soon abandoned the city for his 
old home at Ravenna. Gregory now fell sick at Salerno. The 
few faithful cardinals strove to console him by dwelling on the 
D ui of g''^^^ work which he had accomplished. ' I set no 
Gregory in store by what I have done,' was his answer. 'One 
exile. 1085. thing only fills me with hope. I have always loved 
the law of God and hated iniquity. Therefore I die in exile.' 
He passed away on 25th May 1085. Less than two months 
afterwards, Robert Guiscard died at Corfu. 

For a year after Gregory's death, the Papacy remained 
vacant. At last, in May 1086, the cardinals, profiting by the 
Antipope's return to Ravenna, met at Rome and forced the 
Papacy on the unwilling Desiderius, Abbot of Monte Casino. 
The new Pope (who assumed the name of Victor in.), was a 
Victor III., close friend of Gregory's and strongly attached to 
X086.X087. his ideals. But he was too old and too weak to 
take up Hildebrand's task, and three days after his election 
he strove to avoid the troublesome dignity by flight to Monte 
Casino. Next year he was with difficulty prevailed upon to 
return to Rome to receive the tiara. But the p artisans of 
the EmperoTj Tid of the Cpuntess Matilda foughtfierceiyJbr 
the possession of Rome, and Victor again retreated to his 
monastery, where death ended his troubles three dayfe after 
his return (i6th September 1087). Next time the cardinals 
fixed upon a Pope of sterner stuff. Driven from Rome 

The Investiture Contest 1 37 

by the Antipope, they made their election at Terracina on 
1 2th March io88. Their choice fell upon the son of a baron 
of Champagne named Odo, who had lived long at Cluny as 
monk and sub-prior, and then served the Roman Court as 
cardinal-bishop of Ostia. IJtban— u. (this was urban 11., 
the title he took) was a man of ability and force 1088-1099. 
of character, as ardent a!riTiTggbraH^ nor^e~Cluniac i deals, 
but more careful of his uteanroT' enforcing them than the 
uncompromising Gregory. He made closer his alliance 
with the Normans, and, thanks to the help of Dtrke Roger, 
Robert Guiscard's sOri'and successor, was able to return to 
Rome and remain there for sonie months. But the troops of 
the Antipope still held the castle of St. Angelo, and Urban soon 
found it prudent to retire. He mainly spent the first years of 
his pontificate in southern Italy under Roger's protection. 
/ Meanwhile, papahsts and imperiaHsts fought hard in 
northern Italy. ^iTOaDX_ was jnow_ tolerably. -ijuiet, and 
Henix_cpuld jiQW— dfiyotp his rhipf cngrgies to jj^^ry re- 
Italy, which he revisited in 1090. But Urban visits itaiy, 
united the German with the Italian opposition to ^"^o- 
the Emperor by bringing about a politic marriage between the 
Cou ntess Mat ilda and the young son of Welf or G uelf, Duke of 
Bav aria , the Emperor's mostjgowerful a dversary in Geim any. 
Des p^ite this combination ^jJHenr/sjt alian campaigns be tween 
logoand 1002, wereextraordinarily successful. Matilda's 
dominions in the plain country~werS~overrun, and her towns 
and castles captured. But she held her own in her strong- 
holds in the Apennines, rejected all compromise, and prepared 
to fight to the last. Henry met his first check when he was 
driven back in disgrace from an attempted siege of Canossa. 

The papalists were much encouraged by Henry's defeat. 
Soon after they persuaded his son Conrad, a weak 
and headstrong youth, to . rise in^revo lF against Franconia, 
his father. Half Lombardy fell away from father Anti-cxsar, 
to son. Before the year was out, Conrad re- *°^^ 
'-"Ti'H thf^Jj gi ^ 1 "'11 11 1 T^Tilan , nn ^ Urban vent ured back to 

138 European History, 918-1273 

Rome. Worse was to follow. Henry's second wife, Praxedis of 
Russia (Bertha had died in 1087), escaped from the prison 
to which her husband had consigned her, and taking 
refuge with the Countess Matilda, gave to the world a 
story of wrongs and outrages that destroyed the last shreds 
of the Emperor's reputation. In high glee at the progress 
Urban'8 ©^ ^^s cause. Urban set out on a lengthened 
Councils at progTCss that reminds us of the memorable tours 
Clermont, o^ Lco IX. After a long stay in Tuscany, he 
*09S crossed the Apennines early in 1095, ^'^^ ^^^ a 

great synod at Piacenza, at which the laws against simony and 
married clerks were renewed, while the Empress publicly de- 
clared her charges against Henry, and ambassadors from the 
Eastern Emperor pleaded for help, against the growing power of 
the Seljukian Turks. In the summer Urban crossed the Alps, 
and remained for more than a year in France and Burgundy, 
being everywhere received with extraordinary reverence. 
In November 1095 he held a largely attended synod at 
Clermont in Auvergne. Not content with his quarrel with 
the Emperor, he here fulminated excommunication against 
Philip I. of France, on account of his adultery with Bertrada, 
Countess of Anjou. But the famous work of the Council 
Theprocia- o^ Clermont was~lEe proclamation of the First 
mation of Crusadc. Nothing shows more clearly the strength 
Crusade, ^nd nature of the papal power than that this 
1095. greatest result of the universal monarchy of the 

Church should have been brought about at a time when all 
the chief kings of Europe were open enemies of the Papacy. 
Henry iv. was an old foe, Philip of France had been deliber- 
ately attacked, and William Rufus of England was indifferent 
or hostile. But in the eleventh century the power o f^veiL the 
strongest kings xounted-iQr-yeqdiltle. What made the succe ss 
of Urban's endeavour was the appeal tothe swarm of small 
feudal chieftains, who really'^goVe m e d " E urope, and to the 
fierce and undisciplined enthusiasm of the common people, 
with whom the ultimate strength of the Church leally lay. 

The Investiture Contest • 139 

Flushed with his success at Clermont, Urban recrossed the 
Alps in September 1096. Bands of Crusaders, hastening to 
the East, mingled with the papal train as he ^ . ^,^ 
again traversed northern Italy. Rome itself now return to 
opened its gates to the homeless lord of the ^^a^y'^^s^- 
Churchr" In 1097 Henry iv. abandoned Italy in despair. 
He restored the elder Welf to the Bavarian duchy, ^^^ 
and easily persuaded the younger Welf to quit abandons 
his elderly bride, and resume his allegiance to ^**'^' ^°^" 
the Emperor. Conrad was deprived of the succession, and 
his younger brother Henry crowned king at Aachen on taking 
an oath that he would not presume to exercise royal power 
while his father was alive. 

Urban was now triumphant, save that his Norman allies were 
once more giving him trouble, and the castle of St. Angelo 
was still held for the Antipope. He accordingly urban 11 in 
again visited southern Italy, and won over Count southern 
Roger of Sicily, by conceding the famous privi- ^^^'y- ^°^' 
lege to Roger and his heirs that no papal legate should be 
sent into their lands without their consent, but that the lords of 
Sicily should themselves act as legates within their dominions. 
In October 1098 the Pope held a synod at Bari, syncdat 
restored to Catholicism by the Norman conquest e^". 
in 107 1. There, with a view to facilitating the Crusade, 
the great point of difference between the Eastern and 
Western Churches — the Procession of the Holy Ghost — was 
debated at length. Among the prelates attending the council 
was Anselm of Canterbury, exiled for upholding against 
William Rufus the principles which Urban had asserted against 
the Emperor and the King of France. Urban, who had 
been politic enough not to raise up a third great king against 
him by supporting Anselm, atoned for past neglect by the 
deference he now showed to the * Pope of the second 
world.' As the council broke up, the good news came 
that the castle of St. Angelo had at last been captured. 
Urban returned to Rome and devoted himself to the work 

140 • European History, 918-1273 

of the Crusade. On 29th July 1099 he died suddenly. 
It was his glory that the struggle of Pope and Emperor, 
Death of ^hich had absorbed all the energies of Gregory vii., 
Urban II., sank during his pontificate into a second place. 
»099- Though he_ aban doned no claim that Gregory 

had made, he had The good fortune to be able to put himself 
at the head of crusading Europe, while his opponent shrank 
into powerless contempt Next year the Antipope followed 
Urban to the grave. With Clement, the schism as a real force 
died. Three short-lived Antipopes pretended to carry on his 
succession until the death of the Emperor, but no one 
took them seriously. With the flight of the l ast pretender i n 
1 106, formal ecclesiastical unity was a^am resto red. 

DrivefPout of Italy -by his. xebeL son, Henry iv. found 
Germany equally indisposed to obey him. Both north and 
south oFlhe Alps, the real gainers in the long stru^le_had 
been th e feudal chie ftains^ and Germany, like ^tal^_wa5 

cea singlfl . hp ti tingh tl-'tf it i1! In iioi the 
reBeliious Conrad jjied -at Florence, bitterly re- 
gretting his treason. Henry's main object now was to restore 
peace to Germany, and to effect a reconciliation with the 
PaichaTTT, CKuFch. But the new Pope, Paschal 11. (Rainerius 
I099-1II8. of Bieda, near Viterbo, elected August 1099), 
renewed his excommunication, and was as unbending as his 
predecessors. Before long Paschal was able to extend his 
R V It of the i"t"gU6S into Germany, and i n 1104 the^ yopilK 
young King King Henry raised the Saxons in revolt agains t 
Henry, X104. ^is fath er, and was_rec ognised as king by the 
Pope. But the Emperor had no spirit left for a fresh contest. 
At Coblenz he threw himself at his son's feet, begging only 
that his own child-shouLi-not be the instrument of God's 
vengeance on his sins. The young king asked for forgiveness, 
and promised to give up his claims when his iather was 
reconciled with the Church. The Empero r trustfulbL jdis- 
banded his soldiers, and was_ji[QinpJtIy shu^ up in^ prison by 
his twice-perjured sou. Oa 31st December 11 05 he formally 

The Investiture Contest 141 

abdicated at Ingelheim, and abjectly confessed his offences 
against the Church. He was told that absolution could only 
come from the Pope in person, and that it was a boon that 
he was allowed his personal freedom. He fled from Ingel- 
heim to Cologne, where the goodwill of the citizens showed 
him that he still had friends. From Cologne he went to 
Aachen, and from thence to Li^ge, whose bishop, Otbert, 
supported him. The Duke of Lorraine declared himself for 
him, and help was expected from Philip of France and 
Robert of Flanders. Henry now declared that his abdica- 
tion was forced on him, but offered any terms, compatible 
with the possession of the throne, to get absolution from 
the Pope. But on 7th AugusL,u[o6 he died at Dga^j^of 
Liege, before the real struggle between him and Henry iv., 
his son was renewed. The enmity of the Church *"^" 
grudged rest even to his dead body. The Bishop of Speyei 
refused to allow the corpse of the excommunicate to repose 
beside his ancestors in the stately church which he himself 
had built, and for five years it lay in an unconsecrated chapel. 
O n t^th January 1 106 H enry v. was crow ned for the second 
time at Mainz! The first months of his reign were disturbed 
by his father's attempt to regain power. When Henry v., 
he was at last undisputed King of Germany, he 1106-1125. 
found that his cold-blooded treachery had profited him very 
little. The Jnyest iture Contest was still ug settlgd- Between 
II 03 and II 07 Anselm of Canterbur}', restored to his see by 
William Rufus' death, had been carrying on a counterpart of 
the contest with Henry i. of England. But the personal 
animosities which had embittered the continental struggle 
were absent, and the dispute did not, as abroad, involve 
the larger questions of the whole relations of Church and 
State. It was easy, therefore, to settle it by a satisfactory 
compromise. Yet at the very moment when Henry had 
agreed to lay aside investiture with ring and staff, the envoys 
of Henry v. were informing Paschal that their master pro- 
posed to insist upon his traditional rights in the matter. 

142 European History^ 98 1 - 1 273 

The result was that the continental strife was renewed with 
all its old bitterness. 

For two years Henry was engaged in wars against Hungary 

and Bohemia. In mo he resolved to visit Italy to receive 

the imperial crown, and to re-establish the old rights of the 

Empire. Besides a numerous army, he took with him * men 

of letters able to give reasons to all comers' for his acts, 

among whom was an Irish or Welsh monk named David, 

who wrote, at his command, a popular account of how the 

king had gone to Rome to extract a blessing from the 

Pope, as Jacob had extorted the angel's blessing.^ He 

found Italy too divided to offer effectual resistance. The 

Countess Matilda was old, and Paschal was no great statesman 

Henry's ^^^^ Gregory or Urban. Early in 1 1 1 1 the king's 

Roman army approached Rome. The Pope, finding that 

Pasci'aire- neither the Romans nor the Normans would help 

nounces the him, Sent to Sutri to make terms. Even in his^ 

Temporal!- supreme distress he wo uld not g ive up freedom 

Church, of elections Or abate his hostility to lay investi- 

iiii. tures; but he offered^ that if the king would 

accept those ^a^jnai rnnrjjp'nnc v^o '"Quid rppni'.n^p for 

the Church y all it s feiTd aL and segplar^-property. It was a 

bold or fash attempt to save the spiritual rights of the Church 

by abandoning its temporalities, lands, and jurisdictions. 

Henry naturally accepted an offer which put the whole landed 

estates of the Church at his disposal, and reduced churchmen 

to live on -tithes and offerings — their spiritual sources of 

revenue. Only thfi-temporalities o f the Roma n, see w£re to 

be except ed fipm this sweepi ng surrender. 

On Sunday, 12th February, SL Peter's church was crowded 

to witness the hallowing of the Emperor by the Pope. Before 

j^ ^^ the ceremony began the compact was read, and 

Henry's the Popc renounced in the plainest language all 

Coronation, intervention in secular affairs, as incompatible 

with the spiritual character of the clergy. A violent tumult at 

' See the life of David [d. (?) 1 139], Bishop of Bangor, by the presenl 
writer, in the Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xiv. pp. 115- 117. 

The Investiture Contest I43 

once arose. German ^nd Italian bishops united to protest 
vigorously against the light-heartedness with which the Pope 
gave away their property and jurisdictions, while carefully 
safeguarding his own. The congregation dissolved into a 
brawling throng. The clergy were maltreated, and the sacred 
vessels stolen. The coronation was impossible. The king 
laid violent hands on Pope and cardinals, and the mob in the 
streets murdered any Germans whom they happened to come 
across. After three days of wild turmoil, Henry quitted the city, 
taking his prisoners with him. After a short captivity, Paschal 
stooped to obtain his liberty by allowing Henry to exercise 
investi tures and ap point bishops at his will. ' For the peace 
and liberty of the Churcli7"was his halting excuse, * I am com- 
pelled to do what I would never have done to save my own life.' 
In return Henry promised to be a faithful son of the Church. 
On 13th April Paschal crowned Henry with maimed rites and 
little ceremony at St. Peter's. Canossa was at last revenged. 
Henry returned in triumph oveTlhe Alps, and solemnly 
interred his father's remains in holy ground at Speyer. 

Henry's triumph made a deep impression on Europe. The 
blundering Pope had betrayed the temporal possessions 
of the clergy, and the necessary bulwarks of ^^. 
the freedom of the spiritual power. The event Henry over 
showed that there were practical limits even to p^®'^''^'- 
papal infallibility. Paschal was as powerless to retreat from 
the position of Hildebrand, as he had been to renounce the 
lands of all prelates but himself. TheclfcrgjLgBuId-nQt.accept- 
the papal decision. In France a movement to declare the 
Pope a heretic was only stayed by the canonist Ivo of Chartres 
declaring that the Pope, having acted under compulsion, was 
not bound to keep his promise. The Italians gladly accepted 
this way out of the difficulty. Paschal solemnly 
repudiated his compact. ' I accept,' he declared, repudiates 
' the decrees of my master, Pope Gregory, and of ^is con- 
Urban of blessed memory ; that which they have 
applauded I applaud, that which they have granted J Jjant, 
that which they have condemned I condemn.' 

1 44 European Hi story ^ 918-1273 

Even in Germany Henry found that he hadLgainginpthjng 

by his degradation of the Pope. The air was thick with 

plots and conspiracies. His most trusted councillors became 

leaders of treason. Adalbert, Archbishop of Mainz, 

Conspiracies ,.,.... , . , ,. , 

against his chicf minister, formed a plot him and 

Henry in was imprisoncd. The Saxons rose once more in 
revolt under their new Duke Lothair of Supplin- 
burg. Friesland refused to pay tribute. Cologne rose under 
its Archbishop, and Henry found that he was quite unable 
to besiege it successfully. The nobles who attended his 
wedding with Matilda of England at Mainz, profited by 
the meeting to weave new plots. Next year the citizens of 
Mainz shut up the Emperor in his palace while he was 
holding a Diet, and forced him to release their Archbishop. 

Affairs in Italy were even more gloomy. In 11 15 the 
Countess Matilda died, leaving all her vast possessions to the 

Death of the ^^^X S^^' ^^ *^'^ '^'^ ^^^ been Carried out, 
Countess Paschal would have become the greatest temporal 
II "ami of power in Italy. Henry therefore crossed the Alps 
Paschal II., in II i6, anxious, if not to save Matilda's allodial 
*"*• lands, to take possession of the fiefs of the Empire 

which she had held. In 11 17 Henry occupied Rome and 
crowned his young English wife Matilda. Even in his 
exile Paschal had not learnt the lesson of firmness. He 
died early in 1 1 18, before he had even definitely made up his 
mind to excommunicate Henry. 

The new Pope, John of Gaeta, a monk of Monte Casino, 
who took the name of, Gelasius 11., was forced to flee from 
Geiasiusii. Rome as the Emperor was entering it. Henry 
(1118-1119). pQ^y took the decisive step of appointing a Pope 
of his own. Burdinus, Archbishop of Braga, was in some 
fashion chosen by a few cardinals, and took the name of 
The Anti- Gregory viir. Gelasius at once excommunicated 
pope both Antipope and Emperor. He soon managed to 

get back to Rome, whence, however, he was again 
expelled by the malignity of local faction rather than the 

The Investiture Contest 145 

influence of the Emperor. He now betook himself to Marseilles 
by sea, and, after a triumphant progress through Provence and 
Burgundy, held a synod at Vienne. On his way thence to 
Cluny he was smitten with pleurisy, reaching the monastery 
with difficulty, and dying there on i8th January 11 19. 

Guy, the high-born Archbishop of Vienne, was chosen 
somewhat irregularly by the cardinals who had followed 
Gelasius to Cluny. He had long been conspicuous as one of 
the ablest upholders of Hildebrandine ideas in the dark days 
of Paschal 11. The son of William the Great, caiixtusii. 
Count of imperial Burgundy (Franche-Comt^), ("19-X124). 
he was the kinsman of half the sovereigns of Europe. 
He was, moreover, a secular (the first Pope not a monk 
since Alexander 11.), and accustomed to diplomacy and 
statecraft. He resolved to make an effort to heal the 
investiture strife, and with that object summoned a 
council to meet at Reims. Henry himself was „ 

■' Negotiations 

tired of the struggle. He practically dropped his for a 
Antipope, and gave a patient hearing to the agents settlement. 
of the Pope, who came to meet him at Strasburg. These 
were Hugh, Abbot of Cluny, and the famous theologian, 
William of Champeaux, now Bishop of Chilons. The two 
divines pointed out to Henry that the King of France, who 
did not employ investiture, had as complete a hold over 
his bishops as the Emperor, and that his father-in-law, Henry 
of England, who had yielded the point, was still lord over 
his feudal vassals, whether clerks or laymen. For the first 
time perhaps, the subject was discussed between the two 
parties in a reasonable and conciliatory spirit. Before the 
king and the divines parted, it was clear that a compromise 
on the lines of the English settlement was quite practicable. 

On 20th October 11 19, Calixtus 11. opened his council at 
Reims. Louis vi. of France, who had married the Pope's 
niece, was present, and the gathering of prelates council of 
was much more representative than usual. Next Reims, mg. 
day the Pope went to Mouzon, a castle of the Archbishop 


I4<5 European History, 918-1273 

of Reims, hoping to meet the Emperor. But their agents 
haggled about details, and mutual suspicion threatened to 
break off all chance of agreement. Deeply mortified, and 
Breakdown "^thout having Seen the Emperor, Calixtus 
of the went back to the council, where the old decrees 

negotiations, against simoniacs and married clerks -were re- 
newed, and where a canon forbidding laymen to invest 
a clerk with a bishopric or abbey was passed. But this 
canon marked a limitation of the Pope's claim. While 
Hildebrand had absolutely forbidden all lay investiture, 
Calixtus was content to limit the prohibition to the in- 
vestiture with the spiritual office. Yetbefore the council 

separated, the excommunicatioTL of Empero L-And Atttip6pe~ 
was solemnly ren ewed . An agreemen t seemed to, be furthet- 
off than ever. 

No Pope'ever stood in a stronger position than Calixtus 
when in February 1 1 20 he at last crossed the Alps. He was 
Triumph of i^cceived with open arms by the Romans, and with 
Calixtus in morc than ordinary loyalty by the Normans of 
luiy, 1120. ^jjg south. The Antipope fled before him, and 
was soon reduced to pitiful straits in his last refuge at Sutri. 
At last he was captured, contemptuously paraded through 
the Roman streets, and conveyed to prison, until, after peace 
had been restored to the Church, he was released to end his 
life obscurely in a monastery. 

The Emperor saw that he had been too suspicious at 
Mouzon, and again wished to retire with dignity from a con- 
N oUations ^'^^ ^^ which his prospects of complete triumph 
renewed, had loug Utterly Vanished. Things were now 
""• going better in Germany. In 1121 a Diet was 

held at Wiirzburg, at which Henry made peace with Adal- 
bert of Mainz and the Saxon rebels. It was agreed to 
refer the investiture question to a German council under 
the Pope's presidency, and direct negotiations with Rome 
were renewed. The Pope's words were now exceedingly 
conciliatory. ' The Church,' he said, ' is not covetous of 

The Investiture Contest 147 

royal splendour. Let her enjoy what belonged to Christ, and 
let the Emperor enjoy what belonged to the Empire.' 

On 8th September 1122 the council met at Worms. Cal- 
ixtus, after some hesitation, did not attend himself, but sent 
Lambert, Bishop of Ostia, as his legate. Lambert concordat of 
was a citizen of Bologna, who had been arch- worms, 1122. 
deacon of his native town, and had learnt from its rival schools 
of Canonists and Civilians [see pp. 217-220] the principles 
involved in both sides of the controversy. He soon turned his 
knowledge and skill to good account. The council lasted little 
more than a week. The Emperor at first stood out for his rights, 
but was soon persuaded to accept a compromise such as had 
been suggested previously at Strasburg. On 23rd September 
the final Concordat of Worms was ratified, which put an end 
to the investiture strife. Two short documents, of three 
weighty sentences each, embodied the simple conditions 
that it had cost fifty years of contest to arrive at. * I, 
Henry,' thus ran the imperial diploma, 'for the love of God, 
the holy Roman Church, and of the lord Pope Calixtus, and 
for the salvation of my soul, abandon to God, the holy 
Apostles Peter and Paul, and to the holy Catholic Church all 
investiture by the ring and the staff, and I grant that in all 
the churches of my Empire there be freedom of election and 
free consecration. I will restore all the possessions and 
jurisdictions of St. Peter, which have been taken away since 
the beginning of this quarrel. I will give true peace to the 
lord Pope Calixtus and to the holy Roman Church, and I 
will faithfully help the holy Roman Church, whenever she 
invokes my aid.' The papal diploma was even shorter. * I, 
Calixtus, the bishop,' said the Pope, ' grant to Henry, Emperor 
of the Romans, that the elections of bishops and abbots in 
the kingdom of. Germany shall take place in thy presence 
without simony or violence, so that if any discord arise, thou 
mayst grant thy approbation and support to the most worthy 
candidate, after the counsel of the metropolitan and his 
suffragans. Let the prelate-elect receive from ihee by thy 

148 European History^ 918-1273 

sceptre the property and the immunities of his ofl&ce, and let 
him fulfil the obligations to thee arising from these. In other 
parts of the Empire let the prelate receive his regalia six 
months after his consecration, and fulfil the duties arising 
from them. I grant true peace to thee and all who have 
been of thy party during the times of discord.' ^ 

Less clear in its conditions than the English settlement, 
the Concordat of Worms led to substantially the same result, 
chara t r '^^^ EitipjeroT-gave - up the form of investiture, 
of the and public opinion approved of the temporal lord 

compromise, j^q longer trenching on the domam of the spirit- 
uality by conferring symbols of spiritual jurisdiction. But the 
Emperor might maintain that, if he gave up the shadow, he re- 
tained the substance. The Henries had not consciously striven 
for mere forms, but because they saw no other method of re- 
taining their hold over the prelates than through these forms. 
The Pope's concessions pointed out a way to attain this end in 
a way less offensive to the current sentiment of the time. As 
bishops and abbots, spiritual men could not be dependent 
on a secular ruler. As holder of fiefs and immunities, the 
clerical lord had no more right to withdraw himself from his 
lord's authority than the lay baron. By distinguishing between 
these two aspects of the prelate's position, the Concordat 
strove to give Caesar what was Caesar's and God what was 
God's. The investiture questiorTvCas-nererftttfled again. But 
in its broader aspect the investiture question was only the 
pretext by reason of which Pope and Emperor contended for 
the lordship of the world, and sought respectively to trench 
upon the spheTe nf the other. The Concordat of Worms 
afforded but a short breathing-space in that controversy 
between the world-Church and the world-State — between the 
highest embodiments of the spiritual and secular swords — that 

^ The text of the Concordat of Worms, and many other German 
constitutional documents, can be studied in Altmann and Bemheim'a 
useful Ausgewdhlte Urkundtn zur Verfastungsgeschuhte Deutschlands im 

The Investiture Contest 149 

was still to endure for the rest of the Middle Ages. Con- 
temporary opinion, unapt to distinguish between shadow and 
substance, ascribed to the Papacy a victory even practical 
more complete than that which it really won. triumph of 
After all, it was the Emperor who had to yield ***^ church, 
in the obvious question in dispute. The Pope's concessions 
were less clear, and less definite. The age looked upon the 
Concordat as a signal triumph for the Roman Church. 
Henceforth the ideals of Hildebrand became part of the 
commonplaces of European thought. 

Neither Henry nor Calixtus long survived the Concordat 
of Worms. Calixtus died at Rome in December 11 24, having 
previously held a council in the Lateran, where jjgathoj- 
the Concordat was confirmed, and a vast series caiixtus 11., 
of canons drawn up to facilitate the establishment "^*' 
of the new order of things. He strove also to restore peace 
and prosperity in Rome, which had long lain desolate and 
ruinous as the result of constant tumults. Short as was his 
reign, it could yet be said of him that in his days there was 
such peace in Rome that neither citizen nor sojourner 
had need to carry arms for his protection. He had not only 
made the Papacy dominate the western world ; it even ruled, 
if but for a time, the turbulent city that so often rejected 
and maltreated the priest whom all the rest of the world 

Henry v.'s end was less happy. The war had taught him 
that the real ruler 01 Germany was not himself but the 
feudal aristocracy. He planned, in conjunction 

.,,._iTiri • \ • 1 Last failures 

With his English father-in-law, an aggressive attack and death of 
on Louis VI. of France, but he utterly failed to Henry v., 
persuade his barons to abandon their domestic 
feuds for foreign warfare. He fought one purposeless cam- 
paign as the ally of England. In May 11 25 he died on his 
way back, at Utrecht, saddened, disappointed, and worn out 
before his time. He is one of the most unattractive of 
mediaeval Emperors. Cold-blooded, greedy, treacherous. 

1 50 European History, 918-1273 

violent, ambitious, and despotic, he reaped no reward from 
his treasons, and failed in every great enterprise he undertook. 
Yet despite his constant misfortunes, the strong, hard char- 
acter of the last Salian Emperor did something to keep up the 
waning fortunes of the Empire, and the unity of the German 



rhe Macedonian Djmasty — Constantine vii. and his Co-regents — Condition 
of the Eastern Empire in the Tenth Century — The Conversion of the 
Slavs — Break-up of the Mohamniedan East — Period of Conquest and 
Glory — Nicephorus Phocas and John Zimisces — The Russian War — 
Basil II. and the Bulgarian War — Decline of the Macedonian House — 
Zoe and Theodora — Caerularius and the Schism of East and West — Rise 
of the Seljukians — Contrast of Turks and Arabs — Decline of the Eastern 
Empire — Manzikert — Alexius Comnenus and his House — The last phase 
of the Eastern Empire. 

Situated on the borderland that divided two civilisations, 
the unchanging Eastern Empire represented the East to the 
Latins and the West to the Arabs and Turks. During the 
first half of the tenth century there was a strange contrast 
contrast between the East Roman state and the between the 
rest of the world. In the West the Empire of Eastern Em- 

•^ pire and the 

Charles the Great had fallen, and few could yet rest of the 
see that a new order was gradually evolving out ^'"■'"^• 
of the chaos into which the world seemed plunged. In the 
East the Caliphate had ceased to represent the political 
unity of Islam. A process of strife and disintegration had 
broken up the Mohammedan no less that the Latin world. 
Between these two seething and troubled regions, the 

^ The best English book on later Byzantine history is Finlay's History 
of Greece, which covers the whole period. Oman's Byzantine Empire 
('Story of the Nations') is a readable summary. Gibbon's Decline 
and Fall must always be consulted. Schlumberger's Un Emperenr 
byzantin au X' slide, Niciphore Phocas, and VEpople byzantine b, la fin 
iu X' siicle, present attractive aspects of the subject in a recent light. 


152 European History ^ 918-1273 

Empire of Constantinople lived on its quiet, self-contained, 
stationary, orderly life. No vital dangers from without 
threatened its existence. Catholics and Mohammedans were 
alike too busy with their own affairs to make serious attacks 
upon its boundaries. The long-lived dynasty of the Mace- 
donians continued to rule over a state that had little history. 
The inglorious calm bore witness to a standard of civilisa- 
tion, order, and prosperity that, with all its faults, could 
be found nowhere else in the world. 

Basil the Macedonian had founded, in 867, the ruling 
house, which was to reign at Constantinople for a hundred 
^^^ and ninety years. The long reign of his weak 

Macedonian and pedantic son, Leo vi., the Philosopher (886- 
dynasty. 9 1 2), had attested tlie care and stability with 
which Basil had laid the foundations of the new dynasty. 
Under Leo's son Constantine vii., Porphyrogenitus (912- 
constantine 959)> tbe Same quietude that had marked Leo's 
VII., 912-959. tjjiie continued with hardly a break. A boy of 
seven when he was called to the throne, Constantine vii. 
showed, as he grew up, such lack of firmness and practical 
wisdom that his whole reign has been described as a long 
minority. Co-regents did most of the work of governing. 
For the first year his uncle, Alexander, Leo vi.'s brother, 
acted as joint-emperor. For seven years after his death (913- 
919) a commission of regency ruled, not too successfully, in 
the name of the little Emperor. Severe defeats from Simeon, 
king of the Bulgarians, made this rule unpopular. The grand 
admiral Romanus Lecapenus now became successively the 
prime minister, the father-in-law, the colleague, the master of 
Romanus L, Constantinc. In December 919 Romanus, already 
919-945- Czesar, was crowned joint-emperor with his son-in- 

law, and for twenty-five years he practically ruled the state as 
he would. Though aged, weak, and incompetent, Romanus 
managed to protect himself from numerous court conspiracies, 
and hoped to secure the permanence of his influence by 
associating three of his sons as colleagues in the Empire, and 





" H E 










1 54 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

procuring for another the patriarchate of Constantinople. 
But the quarrels of sons and father gave the friends of 
Constantine a chance of removing them all. The sons of 
Romanus drove their father into a monastery. The outraged 
public opinion of the capital involved the sons in the same fate. 
In 945, when already nearly forty years old, Constantin e vii. 
became Emperor in fact as well as in name. 

Constantine was a shy, nervous, studious man, who had 
amused himself, during his long exclusion from power, by 
Sole rule of babbling in nearly every science and art. He 
Constantine painted pictures, composed music, designed 
VII., 945-959- churches, and wrote books on such different 
subjects as agriculture, veterinary science, history, geography, 
tactics, politics, and court etiquette. Weak and hesitating 
though he was, his good nature, amiability, love of justice 
and moderation made him a respectable ruler 

Condition of . . . tt i i • i i- i • 

the Empire for quiet timcs. Under him the consolidation 
in the tenth of the imperial despotism, under the hereditary 
rule of the Basilian house, was completed. The 
suppression of the legislative power of the senate, and the 
destruction of the old municipal system by Leo the Philosopher, 
had removed the last barriers to the autocracy of the Emperor. 
This despotism the well-drilled administrators carried out so 
well on the traditional lines, that it was no great matter that 
the Emperor himself was a bookish recluse. The Basilica, the 
revised code of law in Greek, now assumed its final form, 
and with the change which its introduction involved in the 
language of the law courts and statutes, the Latin tongue 
ceased to have any practical utility to the East Romans. 
The works of Constantine give us a picture of the Empire of 
his time. In his longest book he dwells with loving care on 
the elaborate and pompous court etiquette which environed 
the majesty of the Emperor, and struck awe into the hearts of 
the barbarians. In a more summary manner he wrote * On 
the administration of the Empire,' and 'On the Themes' into 
which it was divided. In the latter book he described not 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 155 

merely the actual Empire, but districts like Sicily and Crete, 
which had long fallen into the hands of the Saracen, or, like 
the interior provinces of the Balkan peninsula, had been 
absorbed by Slavs and Bulgarians. 

Asia Minor was now the chief stronghold 01 the Eastern 
Empire. The population had been recruited by Christian 
refugees from the Mohammedan lands farther 
east, and had therefore become more decidedly 
Oriental, but it was strenuous, industrious, and warlike. The 
whole of the peninsula was included in the Empire, save the 
south-eastern district of Cilicia between the Taurus and the 
sea. But the loss of Tarsus was more than compensated for by 
the inclusion of a larger portion of western Armenia within the 
Empire, by reason of the Armenians, despite their obstinate 
adherence to the Monophysite heresy, seeing in incorpora- 
tion with the Empire their only chance of salvation from 
Islam. In the Balkan peninsula the districts The Balkan 
actually ruled by the Emperor were much less Peninsula, 
extensive. The western and central parts were still ' Slavonia,' 
and even the Peloponnesus was largely peopled by Slavonic 
tribes, at best tributary, and often practically independent. 
But the settlement of the Magyars in Pannonia (895) had 
pushed the Bulgarians more to the south, and now not only 
were the lands between Danube and Rhodope The 
Bulgarian, but this nation encroached largely Bulgarians. 
on the Slavs in the lands south of the Balkans. The result 
left little for the Romans save long strips of coast territory. 
Nowhere in Europe did their power penetrate far inland. 
Adrianople was at best Uie border town of the Greeks. A 
few miles inland from Thessalonica the Bulgarian rule began. 
The Bulgarians separated the theme of Hellas, which included 
Thessaly and the lands south down to Attica, from the themes 
of Nicopolis and Dyrrhachium that crept along the coast of 
Epirus. Scattered scraps of islands and coastlands in Dalmatia 
almost connected the Empire with its Venetian dependency. 
The theme of Cherson included the south coast of the 

156 European History, giZ-127 1 

Crimea, but this outpost of Greek civilisation was hardly more 
directly ruled from Constantinople than Venice itself. The 
lesser islands were still Greek, but Cyprus alone of the great 
islands remained under the Empire, and that was soon lost. 
In south Italy there only remained the misnamed 
^" theme of Lombardy, including the heel of the 
boot, of which the capital was Bari, and the theme of Calabria, 
cut off from its neighbour province by the Lombard princes 
of Salerno, who held the low-lying grounds at the head of 
the Gulf of Taranto. Such a widely scattered dominion was 
hard to rule and harder to defend. But each theme was 
under the government of a strategos, who subordinated the 
civil to the military administration. A large standing army 
of mercenaries — largely Norsemen — well drilled and equipped, 
enabled the Greeks to cultivate their fields and carry on their 
commerce in peace. The trade between east and west was 
still entirely in Greek hands. Even an exhaustive fiscal system 
could not cut oflF these sources of wealth. But if the Greek 
Emperors taxed unwisely and unmercifully, they helped com- 
merce by upholding the integrity of the coinage. The gold 
Byzants of the Emperors were the common medium of ex- 
change among merchants, and, amidst all the vicissitudes of 
palace revolutions, were never seriously depreciated in value. 
The manufactures of Greece still commanded the markets. 
Constanti- Constantinople was still the greatest city in the 
nopie. world, and excited the astonishment of all the bar- 

barians who visited it. Its administration, poor-law system, and 
philanthropic organisations anticipated much that we are apt 
to regard as exclusively modern. Liutprand, the Lombard 
bishop, has left a record of the profound impression made on 
him by its wonders. Even in the twelfth century, when its 
splendours were somewhat decayed, it was still unique. The 
Franks of the Fourth Crusade could not believe that there 
was so rich a city, until they saw its high walls and strong 
towers, gorgeous palaces, lofty churches, and vast extent. 
Though Thessalonica was also a famous place of trade, the 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 157 

interests of the capital were becoming so great as to absorb 
unduly those of the provinces. This was partly counteracted 
by the growth of a great landholding aristocracy, which 
approached the character of the feudal noblesse of the west, 
save that it never attained any political influence over the cen- 
tralised despotism of the Basileus. Nor were the Letters and 
arts and literature forgotten. Constantine vii.'s ^^s. 
example was followed by a crowd of men of letters, and 
the labour of compilers like Suidas have preserved for us 
much of what we know of more ancient times. A new school 
of romance writers showed more original genius. Painting, 
architecture, and all the arts wonderfully revived. 

Constantinople now became agam a source of civilisation 
to ruder peoples. The Servians and other Slavs called upon 
its help to protect them from the terrible Simeon -j-j^^ ^^^_ 
of Bulgaria. In the ninth century, Methodius version of 
and Cyril had converted the Southern Slavs_to 
Orthodox Christianity. In the tenth, Greek missions, radiat- 
ing from the great monasteries on Mount Athos, secured the 
Christianising of Bulgaria. In the next century, the distant 
Russians received their faith from the same source. Thus 
Slavonic Europe became for the most part Orthodox rather 
than Catholic. Never was the influence of Constantinople 
more widely felt than in carrying out this great work. 

The restful if inglorious age of Leo the Philosopher and 
Constantine Porphyrogenitus gave the Greek Empire time to 
recruit its energies for the more stirring times of their suc- 
cessors. From 959 to 1025 a period of conquest and military 
glory followed upon the quiet times that we have described. 
Before the change came over the spirit of the Eastern Empire, 
the best chances of aggression in west and north had slipped 
unnoticed away. During the reigns of Leo and Constantine, 
the Saxon kmgs of the Germans were building up a great 
state in Germany and Italy, and before long the growing 
material prosperity of Italy was to raise up commercial rivals 
who ultimately tapped the very springs of Byzantine trading 

158 European History, 918-1273 

supremacy. The consolidated and Christianised states of the 
barbarians on the north were less likely to send out bands of 
conquerors and marauders, but were harder to conquer than 
their heathen and savage fathers. But the east was sinking 
into worse confusion than ever. The old political and religious 
unity of Islam was a thing of the past. What spirit now re- 
Changes in ntiained to the Mohammedan world was to be found 
the Moham- in North Africa under the Fatimite Caliphs of 
me an as . (^aJj-Q^n, or in Spain under the Ommeyad Caliphs 
of Cordova. While tliese rebels and schismatics still showed 
some remnants of the old conquering energy of Islam, the 
orthodox Abbasside Caliphs of Bagdad were sunk in indolence 
and decay. Their provinces successively revolted. The 
Bowides, sons of a Persian fisherman, captured Bagdad in 
945, and ruled Persia and lower Mesopotamia for more than 
a century as the Emirs-ul-Omra of the puppets that they still 
allowed to pretend to act as successors of the Prophet. In 
Egypt and southern Syria, the Ikshidites, a Turkish dynasty, 
now established themselves. But the only Mohammedan 
power that now actually met the Eastern Empire on its south- 
eastern frontier was that of the Hamdanides, who about 930 
occupied northern Mesopotamia and afterwards conquered 
northern Syria and Cilicia. This dynasty split into two and 
was represented by the Ameers of Aleppo and Mosul. The 
new Mohammedan states were all the precarious creations of 
adventurers' swords, and were generally at war with each other. 
The divisions of the east gave the Emperors at Constanti- 
nople the opportunity which their predecessors had neglected 
Romanusii., in the west. Under the son and successor of 
959-563- Constantine vii., Romanus 11. (959-963), the work 

of reconquest began. Crete since the ninth century had been 
occupied by Spanish Moors, and had been the centre of 
piratical attacks on Greek commerce, that had threatened the 
Conquest of prosperity of the islands of the .^gean and the 
Crete. regularity of the food-supply of the capital. Even 

Leo and Constantine bad made feeble efforts to subdue the 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks r 5 9 

corsairs, but their expeditions against Crete had been utter 
failures. In 960 Romanus 11. sent Nicephorus Phocas with 
a strong force to atone for the blunders of his predecessors. 
Within a year the capture of the Saracen stronghold of 
Chandax brought about the complete conquest of the island. 
The Saracens were enslaved or expelled, and missionary monks 
soon succeeded in winning back the Greek population to the 
faith of their fathers, which many had been forced to reject for 
the religion of their conquerors. Nicephorus followed up this 
great triumph by attacking the Hamdanad Ameer of Aleppo. 
He crossed the Taurus into Cilicia, and in another spirited 
campaign restored many strong places to the Empire. 

In 963 Romanus 11, was cut off prematurely, leaving his young 
widow Theophano to act as regent for the two infant sons, 
Basil II. (963-1025) and Constantine viii. (963- Basil 11., 
1028) who now became joint-emperors. But the 963-1025, 
triumphs of Nicephorus Phocas had won him such tine viii., 
a position that in a few months he associated 963-»<»8. 
himself with them in the Empire and married their 
mother Theophano. By this ingenious combination of 
hereditary succession with the rule of the successful soldier, 
the quiet transmission of power was combined j^j^^ j^^^^^ 
with the government of the fittest. For six years Phocas, 
Nicephorus Phocas (963-969) ruled the Empire in ^^^-seg. 
the name of his two step-sons and soon procured for them 
new triumphs. His first measure was to improve the con- 
dition of the army, and with this object he piled up new taxes, 
and, almost alone among Greek Emperors, stooped to debase 
the coinage. A fierce soldier in a nation of monks and mer- 
chants, Nicephorus soon got into conflict with the Church, as 
well as the trading class. He issued a sort of law of mortmain 
to check the foundation of new monasteries, and Nicephorus- 
kept important sees vacant to enjoy their revenues, military 

. , . , . , . . T , -VT- , reforms and 

At last m his zeal for war against Islam, Nicephorus quarrel with 
wished the Church to declare that all Christians ^"^^ church, 
who died in war against the infidel were martyrs to the 

i6o European History, 918-1273 

Christian religion. The Patriarch replied that all war was 
unchristian, and that a Christian who killed even an infidel 
enemy in war, deserved to be denied the sacraments. The 
Emperor made himself hated by the mob of the capital by 
suppressing the costly shows and amusements which the 
court had hitherto provided for their diversion, while the 
officials were scandalised at his disgust for the childish cere- 
monies that hedged about his domestic life. Conscious of his 
unpopularity, he fortified his palace and lived as much as he 
could in the camp, where he enjoyed unbounded popularity 
with the soldiers. 

In a series of vigorous campaigns against the Ameer of 
Aleppo, the Emperor sought to consolidate his former efforts 
His con- as general by winning back all Cilicia and 
quests. north Syria to the Empire. In 964 and 965 he 
completed the conquest of Cilicia, sending the brazen gates 
of Tarsus and Mopsuestia to adorn the imperial palace at 
Constantinople. In 965 Nicetas, one of his generals, re- 
conquered Cyprus. In 968 Nicephorus again took the field 
and overran northern Syria. Aleppo, the residence of the 
Ameer, was easily captured ; the Ikshidite realm, now on the 
verge of dissolution, was overrun ; Damascus paid tribute to 
avoid destruction ; and Antioch was captured by assault on 
a sn owy night in wintor. 

While thus occupied with the east, Nicephorus did not 
neglect the west. He_prqjected the famous marriage between 
His western the futurc Emperor, Otto 11. and Theophano, the 
policy. daughter of Romanus 11. and his own step-daughter 

[see page 34], hoping thus to strengthen the Byzantine 
power in south Italy. But the terms of the alliance were hard 
to settle, and no agreement could be arrived at during Nice- 
phorus' lifetime. Liutprand, Bishop of Cremona, sent to 
negotiate the match, left Constantinople in disgust, and vented 
his spleen in the famous, but not very flattering, account 
of Constantinople and its court to which we have already re- 
ferred. Soon hostilities broke out between Otto the Great 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks i6l 

and Nicephorus in southern Italy, without any very permanent 
results. Nicetas, the conqueror of Cyprus, failed signally 
in an attempt to win Sicily from the Saracens. There were 
wars with the northern barbarians that produced equally little 

Nicephorus was a brave soldier, sprung from a stock of 
warlike Cappadocian landowners, who changed few of his 
habits even on the throne. He was cultured enough to 
write a book on the art of war, but he had neither the 
policy or pliancy for the intrigues of a despotic Oriental 
court. The uprightness he showed in preserving intact his 
step-sons' position as Emperors met with an evil requital 
from their mother. Theophano hated and feared her stern, 
uncouth, unsympathetic husband. She conspired with her 
lover, John Zimisces, nephew of Nicephorus, a dashing 
cavalry soldier and the most capable of his captains. On the 
night of loth December 969 the Empress's woman admitted 
Zimisces and a select band of confederates into conspiracy of 
the castle. They found the Emperor sleeping on Theophano. 
the floor after his soldier's fashion, and promptly stabbed him 
to death. The murderers at once proclaimed John Zimisces 
Emperor, and court and city alike accepted the results of the 
despicable intrigue that had robbed the Empire of its strongest 
man. John i. Zimisces reigned from 969 to 976. john i. 
The brutal treachery which gained him the throne zimisces, 
was somewhat atoned for by the energy and vigour ^Sg-^* 
he displayed in the possession of power. He was mean enough 
to make Theophano the scapegoat of his crime, and, instead 
of marrying her, shut her up in a monastery. After this he 
did little that was not commendable. By way of penance 
he devoted half his private fortune to the poor peasantry 
round Constantinople, and to building a great hospital for 
lepers. Like Nicephorus, he studiously respected the rights 
of his young colleagues, the sons of Romanus 11., and legiti- 
matised his rule by wedding their sister Theodora. The 
negotiations for the marriage of the other sister, Theophano, 


1 62 European History, 918-1273 

with Otto the Saxon were now resumed and completed 
in 972, Theophano taking with her to Germany Byzan- 
tine art and the temporary friendship of east and west. John 
The Russian abandoned the civil administration to the dexterous 
*^*'"- chamberlain Basilius, and soon found in the 

Russian war an opportunity to revive the exploits of his uncle. 
The valour of Rurik and his Vikings had, before this, united 
the Slavs of the east into a single Russian state, of which the 
centre was Kiev, and which, though constantly threatening 
the Byzantine frontiers, had since the conversion of Olga, 
baptized at Constantinople in the days of Constantine vii., 
began slowly to assimilate Byzantine Christianity and civilisa- 
tion. But Olga's son Sviatoslav (964-972) had refused to incur 
the ridicule of his soldiers by accepting his mother's religion. 
He was a mighty warrior who, in alliance with the Hungarians, 
overran and conquered Bulgaria, and in 970 crossed the 
Balkans and threatened Adrianople. In 971 John Ziraisces 
took the field against him, and a desperate campaign was 
fought in the lands between the Danube and the Balkans. 
Like true sons of the Vikings, the Russians fought on foot in 
columns, clad in mail shirts and armed with axe and spear. 
John's army was largely composed of heavy cavalry, and its 
most efficient footmen were slingers and bowmen. In two 
great battles at Presthlava and Dorystolum (Silistria), Russians 
and Greeks fought under conditions that almost anticipate the 
battle of Hastings, and in both cases the result was the same. 
After long resisting the fierce charges of the Greek horsemen, 
the close array of the Russians was broken up by a hail of 
arrows and stones, and the lancers, returning to the charge, 
rushed in and completed the discomfiture of the enemy. 
After the second battle, Sviatoslav and the remnants of his 
host stood a siege within Silistria, until a treaty was drawn up 
by which they promised to go home, on being supplied with 
enough corn to prevent them plundering by the way. For 
the future, they were to renew the old commercial treaties 
and leave the Empire in peace. Intercourse betwe^-R«9sia— 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 163 

and__£iuistandnpp}e-"was-qiH€W7'^newed, "and henceforth 
Russian or Norse mercenaries, the famous Varangians, began 
to form an important part of the imperial armies. Thus the 
Epipire was relieved from the pressure of her most dangerous 
foe in the north, and again acquired the command of the 
interior of the Balkan peninsula. Bulgaria, already conquered 
by Sviatoslav, was reduced to obedience, while its titular king 
lived as a pensioner at Constantinople. Flushed with these 
brilliant successes, John again turned his arms against the 
Saracens of Syria, who had won back many of Nicephorus' con- 
quests, including Antioch. He reconquered Antioch, though 
only with great difficulty ; his capture of Edessa prepared the 
way for the occupation of the upper valley of the Euphrates ; 
and many holy relics passed from Moslem to Orthodox custody. 
In the midst of his triumphs John died suddenly in 976, 
poisoned, it was said, by the crafty eunuch Basilius, who feared 
that his wealth had excited the Emperor's jealousy. 

Basil II. (976-1025), the elder of Constantine vii.'s sons, was 
now twenty years of age when, under the guidance of Basilius 
he proceeded, after his brother-in-law's death, p^^ij jj .^ 
to govern as well as reign. But the over- personal rule, 
wealthy minister soon fell from power. Basil '^^°^^- 
soon showed the same austere Roman type of character as 
Nicephorus Phocas, and became a brave soldier, a skilful 
general, and a capable, administrator. His chief object of 
internal policy was the repression of the great landholding 
families of Asia, which were the only barrier left against the 
imperial despotism ; and, after a long struggle, he succeeded 
in accomplishing their ruin. Under the legitimate Basilian 
Emperor, the military glories of the fortunate adventurers were 
fully continued. The great event of his long The Bulgarian 
reign is the Bulgarian war. The occupation ^*'"" 
of Bulgaria by John i. was too rapid to be permanent, and, 
except in the lands between the Danube and Balkans, had 
been merely nominal. Under a new Bulgarian king, named 
Samuel, the unconquered regions of the west made a long 

r64 European History, Cki%-\2y I 

and determined effort for freedom. Even the Slavs — the 
chief inhabitants of these regions — followed Samuel to the 
field; and by fixing his capital first at Prespa and afterwards 
at Ochrida, in the highlands bordering on Albania and 
Macedonia, he threatened alike Dyrrhachium andThessalonica 
Year after year, Samuel's motley following plundered and 
devastated the rich plains of Thessaly and Macedonia. Even 
in the north all the Greeks cotild-do was to hold Silistria, 
and a few fortresses, and keep a tight hold of the Balkan 
passes. In 981 Basil first took the field in person, but 
his early campaigns w^ere but little successful. Samuel at last 
invaded southern Greece ; but though he devastated the 
Peloponnesus from end to end, he failed to capture any of the 
larger cities (996). On his way back, he was surprised by 
the Greek general Uranus, and escaped with infinite diflS- 
culty and the complete destruction of his army. Basil now 
took the olTensive. In 1002 he captured Vidin, a triumph 
that resulted in the gradual reconquest of Bulgaria proper. 
But Samuel still held out long in the fastnesses of Mount 
Pindus. Bit by bit Basil won back the hill castles that 
were the centres of the Slavo-Bulgarian power./ At last, in 
1014, Basil gained a decisive victory, taking prisoner some 
15,000 Bulgarians. The grim Emperor put out the eyes of 
all his captives, save that he spared one eye to every 
hundredth man, and sent the mutilated wretches back to 
their king at Ochrida under the guidance of their one-eyed 
leaders. Samuel, on seeing his subjects' plight, fell senseless 
to the ground, and died two days later. His brave son 
Gabriel continued the contest, but was soon murdered by his 
cousin Ladislas, who usurped the throne. In despair Ladislas 
took the bold step of besieging Dyrrhachium, hoping thus to 
open communications with Basil's enemies beyond sea ; but 
he perished in the siege, and with him fell the last hopes 
of the kingdom of Ochrida. In 1018 the work of conquest 
was completed, and Basil celebrated his victory by a splen- 
did triumph at Constantinople. The populace greeted the 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 165 

relentless conqueror with the surname of * Slayer of the Bul- 
garians ' [/JovAyapoKTovos]. Basil then turned his arms against 
the Armenians, but his success in pushing forward his eastern 
frontier at the expense of a Christian kingdom did not atone 
for the impolicy of weakening a natural ally against the 
Mohammedans. Conscious perhaps of this, he prepared to 
divert his arms against the infidel by a new expedition to 
Sicily. Death overtook him in the midst of his preparations, 
when he was sixty-eight years old, and had reigned for sixty-two 
years. No Emperor since Justinian had succeeded so well in 
enlarging the bounds of the Empire. But with him expired 
all the glories of the Macedonian dynasty. 

Basil II. left no son, and his brother Constantine viii. 
(1025-1028) therefore became sole Emperor. Though 
nominal Emperor since 963, Constantine had „ , . , 

, . ' . . , ^ . , Sole rule of 

never taken any real part m political affairs, and constantine 

he was now too old and careless to change his v^"-» 

'-' 1025-1028. 

habits. He lived like an Oriental despot, secluded 

in his palace, amusing himself with musicians and dancing- 
girls, while six favourite eunuchs of the household relieved 
him from all cares of state. Great indignation was excited 
among the nobles, but Basil 11. had humbled them too 
thoroughly for them to take any effective action. However, 
Constantine died in 1028, before he could do much harm. 
He was the last man of the Macedonian house, and his only 
heirs were his daughters Zoe and Theodora, under whose 
weak and contemptible rule the Basilian dynasty came to an 

From 1028 to 1054 the husbands and dependants of Zoe 
governed the Byzantine Empire. First came Romanus in. 
(1028-1034), to whom she had been married ^ 

.7 1 1 J T> Zoe and her 

at her fathers deathbed. But Zoe was hard, husbands, 
greedy, and self-seeking, and allowed her hus- ^^^nus iii., 
band little real share of power. On his death 
she married a handsome young courtier, Michael iv. the 
Papblagonian (1034-1041), who, though an epileptic invahd, 

1 66 European History^ 918-1273 

did good work against the Saracens before his early death 
in 1041. His brother John the Orphanotrophos [minister 
Michael IV., of charitable institutions], a monk and a eunuch, 
1Q34-1041. vrho had procured Michael's marriage, con- 
ducted the internal government with great dexterity and cun- 
ning, but the time of his rule marks an epoch of deterioration 
in Byzantine finance. By constantly increasing the taxes, and 
devising more arbitrary and oppressive methods for their 
collection, he did much to sap the foundations of the indus- 
trial supremacy of the Empire. 

It was thought necessary always to have a male Emperor. 
When Michael iv. died, Zoe, already more than sixty years of 
Michael V., age, took three days to decide whether she 
X041-1043. should wed a third husband or adopt a son. 
She chose the latter course; but Michael v. (1041-1042), 
nephew of Michael iv., whom she raised to this great posi- 
tion, speedily proved ungrateful and unworthy, and was 
deposed, blinded, and shut up in a monastery. Having 
Constantine failed with her son, Zoe chose as her third husband 
IX., io4a-io54- Constantinc Monomachus (an hereditary sur- 
name), who was soon crowned as Constantine ix. (1042-1054). 
The new Emperor was an elderly profligate, who had only 
consented to wed Zoe on condition that his mistress should 
be associated with her in the Empire. Their rule was 
most disastrous. It saw the expulsion of the Greeks from 
Italy by the Norman conquest of Apulia and Calabria. It 
saw the consummation of the fatal policy of weakening 
Armenia, at a moment when the rise of the Seljukian Turks 
was again making Islam aggressive. It witnessed the 
impolitic imposition of taxes on the eastern subjects and 
vassals, who had hitherto defended the frontiers with their 
swords, but who henceforth were discontented or mutinous. 
It saw the final consummation of the schism of Eastern and 
Western Churches. 

The Synod of Constantinople in 867 [see Period i., pp. 
453-4], following upon the quarrel of Pope Nicholas i. and 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 167 

the Patriarch Photius, had already brought about the open 
breach of the Orthodox East and the Catholic West. Despite 
new rivalries between the Greek and Latin missions The Schism 
to the Slavs and Bulgarians, efforts had been °^**** 

,- . . ,,, ,. , Eastern and 

made from time to time to heal the schism, and western 
Basil II. negotiated with Rome, hoping to Churches, 
persuade the Pope to allow ' that the Church of Constanti- 
nople was oecumenical within its own sphere, just as the 
Church of Rome was oecumenical throughout Christendom.' 
But in 1053 Michael Cserularius, the Patriarch of Constanti- 
nople foolishly shut up the Latin churches and convents and 
wrote to the Latin bishops, bitterly reproaching them with 
their schismatic practices, and taking new offence in the Latin 
use of unleavened bread in the Eucharist. Mutual excom- 
munications followed, and, at the very moment when Christen- 
dom had most need of union, the schism of East and West 
became inveterate. ~~ 

Zoe died in 1050, and Constantine ix. in 1054. On his 
death, Zoe's sister Theodora, the last of the Macedonians, 
became Empress. Though old, she was strong Theodora, 
and vigorous, and her long incarceration in a ^054-1057- 
cloister gave her monastic virtues that contrasted strangely 
with the dissolute habits of Zoe. During her reign of three 
years the Empire enjoyed at least peace and repose. Her 
death in 1057 ended not ingloriously the famous dynasty 
that had since the days of Basil i. held the imperial throne. 
A new period of trouble now sprang from disputed succes- 
sions and weak Emperors, at a time when the growth of the 
Seljukian power threatened the very existence of the Empire. 

The Turkish or Mongol tribes of Central Asia had long 
troubled from time to time the tranquillity of Europe. Among 
them were Attila and his Huns, but these fierce uj,g f^ix^z 
marauders passed away without leaving any Seljukian 
permanent traces of their influence. Of the '^"'■''■' 
same stock were the Magyars, who, in 895, finally settled in 
Pannonia, and the Bulgarians, who, as we have seen, had 

1 68 European History, 9 1 8 - 1 2 7 3 

even earlier taken possession of a large part of the Balkan 
peninsula. But the Magyars and Bulgarians by accepting 
Christianity made themselves permanent members of the 
European commonwealth. While Mongolian invasions such 
as these disturbed from time to time the peace of eastern 
Europe, similar invasions had terrified all the civilised nations 
of Asia as far as the Chinese frontier. But it was the 
Caliphate in its decline that began to stand in the most 
intimate relations with the Turks. The growing anarchy of the 
Arab Empire offered to the Turks a career as mercenaries, 
and a field for plunder and devastation. As the reward 
of their services, the Caliphs gave them what they could 
conquer from the Christians on the eastern frontiers of 
the Empire. A large Turkish immigration soon peopled the 
marches of the Caliphate with the fierce warriors from the 
north. As the Caliphs declined in power, the Turkish condot- 
tieri chieftains grew discontented with their pay, and set up 
military despotisms on their own account. Many of the 
petty states that grew out of the dissolution of the Caliphate 
had, like the Ikshidites in Syria, Turkish lords, and were kept 
together by Turkish arms. Early in the eleventh, jjentury 
the period of transition was over. The Turks became 
converts to Islam, and religious enthusiasm bound together 
their scattered tribes and directed their aims. A great 
Turkish invasion plunged all Asia in terror. In the extreme 
east Turks or Tartars established at Peking a Manchurian 
kingdom for northern China (1004). In the very same 
year, Mahmoud of Ghazni set up a great Turkish state in 
Afghanistan and India. A generation later, the 'lurks of the 
house of Seljuk began to threaten the thrones of western Asia. 
The fame of Seljuk, the founder of a united Turkish 
state in Central Asia, is almost mythical. Under his son, 
the Seljukian house became great by crossing the Oxus 
and effecting the conquest of Khorassan. Under his 
grandson Togrul Beg, the Seljukians became the greatest 
power in Asia. Togrul first broke up the power of the 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 169 

descendants of Mahmoud of Ghazni, and then attacked the 
Bowides, and conquered Persia. In 1055 he crowned his 
career by the occupation of Bagdad, where he was welcomed 
as the dehverer of the phantom Caliphs from the tyranny 
of their Bowide Ameers, and was solemnly invested by them 
with their temporal power. Henceforth Togrul, the Sultan of 
East and West, posed as the defender of the faith, and the 
protector of the successor of Mohammed. 

After the conquest of Bagdad, Togrul Beg attacked Armenia 
and threatened the Byzantine frontiers. He died in 1063, 
and in the very next year Alp Arslan, his nephew and suc- 
cessor (1063-1072), completed, by the capture of Ani, the 
capital, the subjugation of the unhappy Armenians. The 
Georgians were next enslaved ; and, master of the Christian 
outposts of the East Roman realm, Alp Arslan turned his 
arms against the Empire itself. 

The occupation of the rich plains of Asia in no wise 
changed the character of the Turks. They remained as they 
had ever been, soldiers and nothing more. Their old religions 
had died away as they came into contact with Islam, and in 
embracing the Mohammedan faith they obtained religious 
sanction for their ferocity and greed. But they never, like 
the Arabs, entered into the spiritual side of the faith. They 
rather received and retained the new religion, as a faithful 
soldier keeps the word of command of his general. They 
had no eyes for the brilliant fascination of Arab civilisation, 
such as was at that very time attaining its highest perfection in 
Mohammedan Spain. They appropriated what had gone be- 
fore, but they never assimilated it or added anything of their 
own. The statecraft of the Arabs had no more attraction for 
them than the poetry, the romance, the lawgiving, the archi- 
tecture, or the busy commercial life of Semitic 
Asia. When they had conquered they carelessly between 
stood aside, and contemptuously allowed their Turks and 
vassals to live on their old life, save when, in occa- 
sional fits of fury, they taught that they were masters by hideous 

1 70 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

violence or promiscuous massacres. But their hardiness won 
An easy triumph ovei ihe soft and eflFeminate Arabs, and was 
soon to win fresh laurels at the expense of the lax and corrupt 
Christians of the East. It was a day of ill omen for East and 
West alike when the capture of Bagdad 'made the Turkish 
soldier the type of Mohammedan conquest In the cen- 
turies when the Arab was the typical representative of 
Islam, the desolation of Africa and Syria showed how 
great were the evils that followed in the wake of Moham- 
medan conquest of Christian lands. But in East and West 
alike the triumphs of the Turk were unmixed evils, and the 
strife of East and West assumed a new aspect when a bar- 
barous and unteachable soldier, mighty only in destruction, 
became the chief agent of Eastern advance. It was no 
longer the continuance of the struggle between Eastern and 
Western civilisation that was as old as Marathon. Hence- 
forth it was a strife between the only possible civilisation and 
the most brutal and hopeless barbarism. Yet the superior 
military efficiency of the Turk put an irresistible weapon into 
his hands. Since the days of Leo the Isaurian and Charles 
Martel, the relations of the Eastern and Western worlds had 
been almost stationary. A new wave of Eastern aggression 
now set in, to be followed in its turn by a period of Western 
retaliation. The Seljukian attacks on Armenia and the 
Empire brought about the Nemesis of the Crusades and the 
Latin kingdoms of the East. 

The period of revolution and confusion that had followed 
the extinction of the Basilian dynasty made the Empire little 
_, ,. , able to resist the Turkish assault It is as weari- 
the Eastern some as Unprofitable to tell in any detail of the 
Empire. purposelcss palace intrigues and provincial revolts, 

that set up and pulled down Emperors in the dreary years 
that followed the death of Theodora. The first successor of 
Michael VI. ^^^ ^^' ^^ ^^ Macedonians was of her own 
1057- designation. Michael vi., surnamed Stratioticus 

('<^57)i w^ ^" aged and incompetent soldier, who within a 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 1 7 1 

year succumbed to a revolt of the Asiatic nobles, who seated 
on the throne one of the most powerful of their j^^^^ j 
number, Isaac i., Comnenus (1057-1059), but the Comnenus, 
hopes excited by him were rudely dispelled by ^°57-io59- 
a disease that drove him into a monastery to die. Another 
great Cappadocian magnate, Constantine x., constantine 
Ducas (1059-1067), was now made Emperor, x., Ducas, 
He was a pettifogging financier, who dis- ^°59-i«>7- 
banded part of his troops and disheartened the rest 
miserable and disastrous economies. In his reign the 
Seljukian assaults first became formidable. On his death in 
1067, his widow Eudocia acted as regent for their Michael vii., 
son, the boy Emperor Michael vii. (i 067-1078). 1067-1078. 
Eudocia chose a second husband and co-regent in Romanus 
Diogenes (1068-1071), a Cappadocian noble, whOj^ manusiv 
had won a high reputation for brilliancy as Diogenes, 
a soldier, but lacked the prudence and policy ^°^"^''' 
necessary to a general. Romanus at once took the field 
against the Seljukian hordes, who were now devastating 
Cappadocia with fiendish cruelty, and had just captured 
Csesarea and plundered the shrine of St. Basil. But the 
heavy Greek cavalry, with their formal drill and slow tradi- 
tional tactics, were only a poor match for the daring valour 
and rapid movements of the swift light horse that constituted 
the chief strength of the Turkish army. At first Romanus 
won easy triumphs as the scattered bands of marauders 
retreated before his troops, without risking a battle. Alp 
Arslan changed his plans and lured Romanus into the 
Armenian mountains, where he was suddenly attacked by 
the whole Seljukian power. 

The decisive battle was fought in 1071 at Manzikert, an 
Armenian town, to the north of Lake Van, which the Sultan 
had captured in 1070, and which Romanus now gauieof 
sought to reconquer. The Emperor had already Manzikert, 
many difficulties from the mixed army of merce- ***^' 
Daries, that had no heart for the cause and a strong dislike to 

172 European History, 918-1273 

discipline. With great impolicy he divided his army, and 
marched with but a fraction of it against Manzikert. The 
city was soon retaken, but by this time the whole force of 
the Seljuks had drawn near. It was the first pitched battle 
between Turks and Greeks, and, having misgivings of the result, 
Alp Arslan showed some willingness to treat. But Romanus 
impatiently prepared for battle. The fight was long and 
fierce, until at last the bad tactics of the Emperor and the 
treachery of some of his generals gave the Turks a hardly 
won victory. The Greek army was destroyed, and Romanus 
was wounded and made prisoner. The defeat is the turning- 
point of Byzantine history. The hardy mountaineers of 
Cappadocia were unable to hold out much longer. With the 
loss of the land which had given birth to Nicephorus and 
Zimisces, to the Comneni, the Ducasii, and to Romanus 
himself, the best part of the Empire surrendered to barbarism. 
Within a few years all the interior of Asia Minor had become 
Turkish. In the very year of Manzikert, the capture of 
Bari by the Normans cut off the last town that had been 
faithful to the East Romans in Italy. 

Alp Arslan magnanimously allowed Romanus Diogenes to 
ransom himself from captivity, but the discredited soldier 
only returned to Constantinople to be dethroned and im- 
prisoned by John Ducas, uncle of Michael vii. His eyes 
were i)ut out so roughly that he died a few days later. With 
him perished the last of the heroes of the Eastern EmpTr^. 
Confusion and weak rule at Constantinople facilitated the 
Turkish advance. Many provinces revolted, and famine 
followed in the train of war. What revenue still flowed in was 
spent upon court luxuries and popular games. The Turks burnt 
the Asiatic suburbs of the capital, and in 1074 Michael vii. 
made a treaty with Suleiman, the general of Malek Shah, 
who had now succeeded Alp Arslan, by which he conferred 
on him the government of all the imperial provinces which 
were actually in his possession. Suleiman established himself 
ai Nicaea, the most westerly of his conquests, and soon 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 173 

assumed the state of an independent prince. In 1078 Michael 
was dethroned, and meekly abandoned the Empire for the 
bishopric of Ephesus. His supplanter, Nice- Nicephoms 
phorus III. (1078-1081), was the most brutal, m., 107s 1081. 
lustful, and helpless of all the Emperors of this miserable 
time. Rebellions burst out on every side. At last Alexius 
Comnenus, a shrewd and wily soldier, whose sword had long 
protected the Emperor from other rebels, became a rebel 
himself. The army declared for him and chose him Emperor, 
and the treachery of some German mercenaries admitted him 
and his troops into the capital, which was brutally sacked. 
Nicephorus was driven into a monastery, and Alexius reigned 
in his stead. 

With the new Emperor the worst troubles were over. 
Some sort of hereditary succession reappeared, and the Com- 
nenian dynasty long occupied the throne of the Alexius 
Eastern Empire. But the Empire was reformed Comnenus, 
on a narrower and less heroic mould. The ability "^*""^^- 
of Alexius was partly seen in his energy; but subtlety and 
deceit, which often took the shape of self-defeating cunning, 
were his favourite weapons, and in his dexterous ^he Com. 
pursuit of personal and family aims, he often lost nenian 
sight of broader issues. It was characteristic of thTtranst" 
the later age of the Byzantine Empire that the tiontothe 
founder of the new house should have the dis- ^^ East*^ " 
similar characteristics of courage and craft, and Roman 
that Alexius' literary daughter, Anna Comnena, in ""p*™- 
eulogising her father's exploits, regards his courage and craft 
as equally laudable. With him we enter that latest stage of 
East Roman history to which the term 'Byzantine' may not 
unreasonably be applied as a term of reproach, and which 
perhaps justifies the contempt with which Gibbon and the 
older writers regarded all stages of East Roman history. The 
Empire became more ' Greek ' in the narrower sense, and 
with its restricted limits became in a sense stronger by 
t)eing more national and less cosmopolitan. But it lived a 

1 74 European History, 918-1273 

smaller, meaner life. Henceforth it stood <mi the defensive, 
equally afraid of the Turk in the east and the Frank in 
the west. Its territory gradually fell away, its civilisation 
became as stereotyped as that of China, its Church more 
superstitious and ignorant, its people more slavish and de- 
graded. It is no small praise to Alexius and his successors 
that they had the skill to keep some sluggish life in the inert 
mass, and, amidst the greatest difficulties, offer a brave and 
constant resistance for two more centuries to the greatest foes 
of civilisation that the world has seen in modern days. 

At home, the first years of Alexius' reign were occupied in 

putting down the nobles and restoring the centralised despotism 

Alexius of the Macedonians. A whole series of rebellions 

and the was succcssfuUy suppressed, and order was restored 

***■ even to the finances, though at the price of an 

unwonted depreciation of the currency that further imperilled 

the declining trade of the Greeks. Another trouble was found 

in the growth of the fantastic heresies of the Paulicians and 

Bogomilians, which Alexius stamped out with the rigour of a 

monk. Meanwhile, Alexius fought hard against the Seljukian 

Turks, and for the time prevented their further advance. But 

the death of Malek Shah in 1092, and the struggles of his 

children for the succession, did more to remove the terror of 

Turkish conquest than the arms and diplomacy of Alexius. 

Alexius had also to fight against the Slavs, and the Patzinaks 

of the north, and to face grave trouble from the west With 

the conquest of Bari in 107 1, Robert Guiscard and his 

Alexius Normans had absorbed the last of the Byzantine 

and Robert dominions in Italy, Robert now resolved to cross 

Guiscard. ^j^^ Straits of Otranto and win fresh booty and 

dominions from a foe that, since Manzikert and Bari, seemed 

predestined to speedy destruction. Only fifteen years before, 

William the Norman had crossed the English Channel and 

won a great kingdom from a warlike usurper. In 1081 

another Norman duke crossed another narrow strait, and 

sought to win the crown and kingdom of another successful 

The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 175 

soldier-prince. Robert laid siege to Dyrrhachium [Durazzo], 
the chief centre of the Byzantine power on the Adriatic, 
and Alexius hastened to its succour. The bad generalship 
of the Greeks made easy the victory of the invaders. The 
Varangian heavy-armed infantry of the imperial guard vigor- 
ously withstood for a time the charge of the feudal cavalry 
from the west. But as at Hastings the Norman archers broke 
up the enemy's ranks, so that the best troops of Alexius were 
defeated before the rest of the Greek army could take the 
field. These latter were soon put to flight, and Alexius rode 
off from the scene of his defeat. Dyrrhachium surrendered, 
and the Normans crossed the mountains into Macedonia 
and Thessaly. Italian politics [see pages 135-136J took Robert 
back to Italy, but his son Bohemund efficiently filled his 
place. Alexius now called upon his cunning to remedy the 
disasters that had arisen from his courage. By avoiding 
general engagements and carrying on a destructive petty 
warfare, he managed to wear out the Normans. In 1084 he 
brilliantly raised the siege of Larissa, and Bohemund returned 
to Italy. In 1085 the death of Robert Guiscard reheved 
Alexius of any immediate fear of Norman aggression. 

The war with the Normans had taught the Eastern Empire 
to know and to fear the warriors of the West. Within ten 
years of the end of the struggle with the Guiscards, ^he appeal 
Alexius sent envoys to the West imploring Latin for western 
help against the Turks, and in 1095 his ambas- ^^^'^' 
sadors appeared before Urban 11. Before long. East and 
West seemed likely to unite to urge a holy war against the 
Turks. With the preaching of the First Crusade a new epoch 
set in for the Byzantine Empire. 

1 76 European History, 918-1273 


BASIL I., the Macedonian. 


RO.MANUS Lecapcnus, >«. a. LEO VI.. the Philosopher ALEXANDER 
(919.9451. I (886.91a). (9i3-9'3)- 

CONSTANTINE VII.. Porphyiogenitus 

ROMANUS II., m. i. Theophano a. m. NICEPHORUS Phocaa 
(959-963)- I (963-9^^). 

■>». Otto II. (963*1025). (963-1028). m. JOHN Zimisces 
__! (969-976). 

ZO E (d. 1050). T H EODO R a 

m. (1) ROMANUS III. (1054-1056). 





Early Pilgrimages to Palestine — The Tiirkish Conquest — Causes of the 
Crusades — Urban 11. and the Council of Clermont — Leaders of the First 
Crusade — Alexius and the Crusaders — Results of the Crusade — Organi- 
sation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and its dependent States — The 
MiUtary Orders— Kise of the Atabeks — Fall of Edessa — The Second 
Crusade — Decline of the Kingdom of Jerusalem — Power of Saladin — Fall 
of Jerusalem. 

The piety of the Middle Ages, ever wont to express its spiritual 
emotions in concrete shape, had lung found in pilgrimages 
to holy places a favourite method of kindling its ggriy 
religious zeal and atoning for past misdeeds. Of Pilgrimages 
all pilgrimages, the most meritorious was that to the *° Palestine, 
sacred spots where Christ had lived His earthly life and where 
the Christian faith first arose. From the days of St. Jerome, 
Jerusalem was the chief centre of holy travel ; and from the 
days of Helena, the mother of Constantine, faithful Christians 
had sought to identify and consecrate the exact places of the 
Lord's birth, suffering, and resurrection. A great Christian 

^ The best short book on ilie Crusades in English is Archer and 
Kingsford's The Crusades ( ' Story of the Nations '). Kugler, Geschichte 
der KreuzzUge (Oncken's Series), is a fuller but dry survey of the whole 
subject. H. von Sybel's History and Literature of the Crusades (trans- 
lated from the German) is one of the earliest of modern critical works. Mr. 
Archer's article in the English Hist. Review, iv. 89-105, determines some 
points. Gibbon's Chapters LViii. andLlx. should always beread. Rohricht's 
Geschichte des Konigreichs Jerusalem is invaluable for the internal history. 


1/8 European History^ 9 1 8- 1 27 3 

Basilica, built by Helena's pious care, marked the site of the 
Holy Sepulchre, and men believed that divine agency had led 
to the discovery of the True Cross on which Jesus had suffered. 
As long as the Roman Empire remained in its integrity, pilgrim- 
ages to the Holy Land were safe and easy. Even the conquest 
of Syria by the Caliph Omar did not make them impossible. 
A noble mosque — the mosque of Omar — was built on the site 
of the Jewish Temple, but the custody of the Holy Sepulchre 
and the other sacred spots remained in Christian hands, and 
the places themselves were treated with respect and reverence 
by the tolerant Arabs, to whom Jerusalem was a city as vener- 
able as to the Jew or Christian. All through the early Middle 
Ages the swarm of pilgrims continued. The risks of the 
journey through the lands of Islam increased the merit of 
the act. But with the break-up of the great Caliphate, the 
holy places became for the first time dangerous to the 
Christian wayfarer. In the second third of the tenth century 
Jerusalem was ruled by the fanatical Ikshidites (934-969), 
but in 969 the Fatimite Caliphs of Cairoan conquered 
Egypt and Syria, and for a time pilgrimages again became 
easy. The Fatimites were Shiites, and their dissensions from 
the orthodox Sunnites made them perforce tolerant of other 
creeds. Only the mad Caliph El Hakim (996-1021), who 
contemplated the destruction of the Holy Sepulchre, stayed 
for a time the influx of the faithful. The religious revival that 
flowed from Cluny, and the greater peacefulness of western 
Europe, led to a vast throng of pilgrims during the seventy 
years that succeeded El Hakim's death. The fierce Fulk 
the Black of Anjou thrice visited the holy places. Robert, 
Duke of Normandy, abandoned his son William to go on 
pilgrimage in 1035. In 1064 Archbishop Siegfried of Mainz 
headed a band of 7000 penitents to Jerusalem. The conver- 
sion of the Hungarians under St. Stephen again opened up 
the land route through the Danube valley and the Greek Em- 
pire, which men preferred to the stormy sea swarming with 
Saracen pirates. 

The Early Crusades 179 

The growth of the Seljukian power again stopped the flow 
of Christian pilgrims to Jerusalem. Here as elsewhere the 
Turkish period of conquest marked the beginning ^he Turkish 
of the worst of evils for the once Christian lands Conquest of 
of the East. Asia Minor, the centre of the East p*'"*'°^- 
Roman Empire, became a desolate waste ruled by Turkish 
plunderers. In 1076 the expulsion of the Fatimites from 
Jerusalem left the custody of the holy city to the Turks. The 
legend of Peter the Hermit expresses the indignation of western 
Europe when the few wanderers who got back told terrible 
tales of wrongs suffered and blasphemies witnessed from the 
infidel lords of the Sepulchre of Christ. But the causes of 
stories of pilgrims, though they did much to kindle the First 
the indignation of Europe against Turkish rule in 
Palestine, did not of themselves account for the movement to 
redeem it. The preaching of Peter the Hermit, fruitful 
though it was, is not in authentic history the cause of the First 
Crusade. The Crusades were the work of the Popes at the 
instigation of the Eastern Emperor 

Though, after the death of Malek Shah, the Seljukian 
monarchy split up into many rival powers, the danger of 
Turkish advance was still great. The direct rule The East and 
of the Seljuks was henceforth limited to Persia, *}^^ w^est at 

■' . the end of 

while Sultans of Seljukian blood established them- the eleventh 
selves lords of Kerman, Syria, and Roum. The century. 
Seljuks of Syria now ruled the Holy Sepulchre. The descen- 
dants of Suleiman, the conqueror of Nicaea, carved out a 
separate power in the inland parts of Asia Minor, called the 
kingdom of Roum \i.e. Rome], whose capital Nicsea was not 
one hundred miles from Constantinople, and whose limits 
extended to the waters of the Sea of Marmora. Some frag- 
ments of the Armenian race profited by this break-up to 
re-establish their freedom in the mountains of the Taurus. 
But Kilidj Arslan, the Sultan of Roum, was almost as threaten- 
ing to Alexius as Alp Arslan had been to earlier Emperors. 
Fear of the lords of Nicaia, rather than a zeal for the holy 

1 80 European History y 918-1273 

places, led Alexius to apply for help to the West, and rouse 
the Westerns to defend the Greek Empire, by dwelling on 
the desolation of Jerusalem. 

There was no strong political power in western Europe to 
which Alexius could appeal. The Empire was drifting asunder 
under the rule of Henry iv., and France was hopelessly 
broken up into a mass of feudal states, hardly recognising 
the authority of Philip i. The Roman Church alone 
was sufficiently vigorous and representative to help him. 
Already Michael vii. had sent similar requests to Gregory 
VII., who had caught eagerly at the prospects of a holy 
war against the Turks, but the expulsion of Islam was 
so united in his mind with the necessity of ending the 
Greek and Armenian schisms, that it was not an unmixed 
evil to the Eastern Empire that the Pope was too much 
occupied at home to embark seriously upon the undertak- 
ing. /^Yet it is a fact of no small significance that Gregory, 
who created the mediaeval Papacy, was also the first Western 
to whom a Crusade seemed a practicable thing. His ally, 
Robert Guiscard, shared his eastern projects, but the campaign 
at Durazzo showed how little the fierce Norman distin- 
guished between the schismatic and the infidel. 
r Alexius' envoys appeared before Urban 11. at the Council of 
Piacenza, and at Clermont a few months later the active French 
Urban II. Pope^pFealHied with extraordinary force and 
and the fervour a holy war against the infidel. The vast 

Council of • 1 1 V> • 1 1 

Clermont, crowd rcceivcd the Pope with unmeasured en- 
»*'95- thusiasm. ' It is the will of God,' resounded from 

churchman and layman alike the answer to Urban's appeal. 
Thousands pledged themselves to fight against Islam, and 
Urban himself distributed the crosses which the armed pilgrims 
were to bear as their special badge, and which gave the holy 
wars the name of Crusades.) Preachers, like Peter the Hermit, 
stirred up the passion of the multitude, and before the 
lords and knights were ready, huge swarms of poor pilgrims 
gathered together in northern France and the Rhineland, 

The Early Crusades i8i 

under the leadership of Peter himself and of a French knight 
called Walter the Penniless. These disorganised hordes 
either perished on the long land journey through Hungary 
and Greece, or fell easy victims to the first encounter with the 
Turks of Roum, but their misordered zeal showed how the 
movement had touched the heart of Europe. 
/The great kings of the West took no part in the First 
Crusade. The Emperor and the King of France had incurred 
the papal anathema, the King of England was a ^j^^ leaders 
profligate blasphemer, and the Kings of Spain had of the First 
enough crusading work at their own gates. The C"^^****- 
highest class that was affected by the Pope's preaching was that 
of the fejudaLnugnates of the-second rank, and especially the 
barons of France and the adjacent French-speaking Lothar- 
ingia and Burgundy, ^hese were the lands which had been 
the chief home of the Cluniac movement, and this was the 
class to which the Pope looked for allies in his struggle against 
the mighty kings of the earth. The most dignified potentate to 
take the cross was Raymond of Saint-Gilles, Count of Toulouse 
and Marquis of Provence, the greatest of the lords of southern 
France. Of the north French magnates, Hugh, Count of 
Vermandois, King Philip's brother, was the highest in rank 
and position. After him came Stephen, Count of Blois 
and Chartres, the son-in-law of William the Conqueror, and 
the father of an English king and of a line of Counts of 
Champagne and Blois. Robert, Duke of Normandy, left the 
care of his dominions to his more astute brother, and accom- 
panied his brother-in-law. His cousin, Count Robert ii. of 
Flanders, the son of an old pilgrim to Jerusalem, followed in 
his father's footsteps. Of the princes of the Empire the 
most important was Godfrey, Duke of Lower Lorraine, the 
son of the Count of Boulogne, and Ida, sister of the Duke 
Godfrey of Lower Lorraine who had so zealously supported 
the cause of Henry iv. In 1089 the Emperor had granted 
Godfrey his uncle's duchy, yet he is better known as Godfrey 
of Boulogne, and still oftener, through a curious misnomer, as 

l82 European History, 918-1273 

Godfrey of Bouillon. His brothers Eustace and Baldwin, 
and his nephew Baldwin the younger, followed him to the 
Crusade. But the strongest of the Crusaders was Bohemund, 
the Italian Norman, the old enemy of Alexius Comnenus, 
who, after his father Robert Guiscard's death, being only 
possessed of the little lordship of Otranto, hoped to win eastern 
lands for himself. Other Crusaders besides Bohemund had 
an eye on possible principalities to be conquered from the in- 
fidel. But with him went his nephew Tancred, a more chival- 
rous character. No great number of the higher clergy went on 
the Crusade. Conspicuous among them was the Pope's legate, 
Adhemar of Monteil, Bishop of Le Puy en Velay. 

The Crusaders levied their followers in their own way, 
and went at difTerent times and in different directions to 
Constantinople, which Bishop Adhemar had indi- 
Comnenus catcd as their meeting-place. As swarm after 
and the swarm of mail-clad warriors marched through his 
dominions to his capital, Alexius Comnenus be- 
came very anxious as to their attitude to the Greek Empire. His 
hope had been to get an auxiliary Western force of knights, 
but the vast throng of Prankish chivalry, that had obeyed 
Pope Urban, alarmed him excessively, especially when he 
found his old enemy Bohemund among them. There was 
real danger lest the Crusaders should turn their arms against 
Constantinople instead of Nicaea and Antioch, and realise 
by force Hildebrand's ideal of a union of the churches, before 
the attack was made on the infidel. Greed and religious zeal 
combined to inspire them to turn against the opulent and 
schismatic capital. But the craft and ingenuity of Alexius 
served him in good stead, and in the end he persuaded all 
the leaders to take oaths of fealty to him, hoping thus to 
retain the overlordship of any districts they might conquer 
from the Turks. He then gave them facilities for crossing 
into Asia. 

The Crusaders now entered into infidel ground. Nicaea, 
the capital of Kilidj Arslan, was taken in June 1097, and 

The Early Crusades 183 

next month the army of the Sultan was defeated at Dory- 
loeum. These successes secured Asia Minor. After a long 
and painful march the Taurus was crossed, and _, j^ 

in June 1098 Antioch was forced to surrender, through 
Even after that the Christians were in a sorry Asia, and the 

•' conquest of 

plight from famine, and were almost blockaded in Jerusalem, 
their new conquest by the army of Corbogha, '°97-io99- 
Ameer of Mosul. The Bishop of Le Puy died, and after his 
moderating influence was removed, disputes broke out, 
especially between the Normans and the south French. 
Many of the Crusaders, chief among wliom was Stephen of 
Blois, went home in despair. But the fancied discovery of 
the Holy Lance, with which the Roman soldier had pierced 
the side of Christ, revived the fainting energies of the 
Crusaders, though at first the Normans declared that the 
'invention ' was a fraud of a chaplain of Raymond of 
Toulouse. Corbogha was defeated in a great battle, and at 
last the Christians entered the Holy Land. The divisions of 
Islam facilitated their progress. A month after the capture 
of Antioch, the Fatimites of Egypt had conquered Jerusalem, 
which nevertheless resisted vigorously. Finally, on 15th July 
1099, Jerusalem was stormed and, amidst hideous scenes ot 
carnage, the remnant of the crusading army attained its goal. 
A new victory at Ascalon in August secured southern Palestine 
feom Egyptian assault. 
/ The whole fate of the East seemed changed by the First 
(^ Crusade. The Sultanate of Roum was hemmed up in the 
central and eastern parts of Asia Minor, while Results of 
Nicaea and perhaps a third of Asia Minor went the Crusade, 
back to the rule of Alexius. The little Armenian lordships of 
the Taurus grew into a new Armenian kingdom in Cilicia, 
strong enough to keep Turks and Saracens at bay. The Chris- 
tians predominated in Syria, whence they soon threatened both 
the Fatimites of Egypt and the Seljukian dynasty in Persia. 
The Latin lordship of Edessa crossed the Euphrates, and 
formed in the upper valley of that river a permanent check 

184 European History, 918-1273 

to the lords of Mosul. Despite national jealousies, and the 
still deeper ill-will of Catholic and Orthodox, Christianity 
had acted with wonderful unity of purpose, while Islam could 
not forget its petty feuds even in the face of the enemy. 
The ejfptotfs^f Leo the Isaurian and Nicephorus Phocas 
were more than outdone by Alexius and his Western allies. 
Never since the days of Heraclius had the old limits or 
Rome's power in the East been so nearly maintained. 

It remained to provide for the government of the conquered 
provinces. All Syria was portioned among the victorious 

Latins. Godfrey of Boulogne accepted the 
difficulties of government of Jerusalem ; but he refused to wear 
the Prankish a crown of gold in the city where Christ had 

worn a crown of thorns, and contented himself 
with the modest title of Baron and Advocate of the Holy 
Sepulchre. Bohemund, the Norman, ruled northern Syria 
as Prince of Antioch, and Baldwin, brother of Godfrey, 
became Count of Edessa. But these chieftains had at first 
so few followers that they held little more than the cities 
and castles that they garrisoned. Up to Godfrey's death 
in 1 100, the hold of the Christians on southern Syria was 
very slight. Jaffa was their only port, and the road from 
Jaffa to Jerusalem was beset with Saracen brigands, and 
marked by ruined villages and unburied bodies. At 
Antioch, Bohemund was in even worse straits. In 11 00 
he was taken prisoner by the Turks, who next year besieged 
Antioch, where Tancred with difficulty defended the Christian 
cause. Meanwhile a new crusade, mostly from Aquitaine, 
Germany, and Italy, had been almost annihilated in Asia 
Minor by long marches, thirst, hunger, and the arms of the 
Turks. With the remnants, Raymond of Toulouse con- 
quered Tripoli, and established himself in middle Syria. 
Meanwhile Bohemund was released, on an Armenian prince 
paying his ransom. He then joined with Baldwin of Edessa on 
a distant expedition against Harran, but was badly beaten and 
forced in despair to reiurn to Europe, where he again attacked 

The Early Crusades 185 

his old enemy the Greek Emperor. Failing at a new siege of 
Durazzo, Bohemund was forced to become the vassal of the 
Eastern Basileus for Antioch. Baldwin of Edessa, a prisoner 
since the battle of Harran, made terms with the Ameer of 
Mosul, and joined with him in waging war against the 
Normans of Antioch', Yet, if the Crusaders were divided, 
the infidels were equally at cross - purposes. A constant 
stream of fresh pilgrims reinforced the scanty armies of the 
Latins, and their military superiority, both in pitched battles 
and in building and defending castles, stood them in good 
stead. Financial help came from the keen-witted Italian 
traders of Pisa, Genoa, and Venice, who found in the Latin 
conquests new outlets for their commerce, and who were now 
winning the trade of the Levant from the Greeks. Baldwin 
of Edessa, called after Godfrey's death to succeed him at 
Jerusalem, did not share his scruple against bearing the title of 
king, and showed such skill, both as warrior and statesman, that 
he became in a very real sense the founder of the kingdom of 
Jerusalem. Bit by bit the Saracens were expelled from the 
open country, and within the generation succeeding the First 
Crusade, an ordered political system was set up among the 
Latin principalities of Syria. 

Under Baldwin i. (1100-1118) the crusading state attained 
its limits and its organisation. His nephew and successor, 
Baldwin 11. (1118-1130), called like his uncle from Edessa to 
Jerusalem, was also a man of courage and character. Dying 
without sons, his daughter Millicent's husband, Fulk, Count of 
Anjou (1130-1143), became the next king. Under him the 
Latin state reached its zenith, and gave him no reason to 
repent his preference for his Eastern kingdom rather than his 
Western county. After him, his son by his first wife, Geoffrey 
(the father of our Henry 11.), became Count of Anjou, while, 
unluckily for Jerusalem, his two sons by Millicent, Baldwin 
and Amalric, were mere children. With them the decline 

The crusading lords, accustomed only to the forms of 

1 86 European History, 918-1273 

government that prevailed at home, reproduced in the Latin 
states of Syria the strict feudalism of western Europe. Feudal- 
ism required a nominal head, and the King of Jerusalem 
-. . . stood to the Latin princes as the King of 

Organisation ^ ° 

of the early Capetian France stood to his vassals, having 

kingdom of outside his own dominions nothins; more than a 

Jerusalem ° 

and its vague Supremacy over three great feudatories 

dependent ruling over Substantially independent states. The 
Prince of Antioch and the Counts of Tripoli and 
Edessa thought they had made a great concession in 
acknowledging his superiority at all, and were constantly at 
war with each other and with their suzerain. But each of 
the four Frankish princes had, like their Western counter- 
parts, by no means unrestricted authority, even within their 
own peculiar territories. All four states were divided into 
fiefs, whose holders exercised the regalian rights that seemed 
proper to a baron. Within the kingdom of Jerusalem proper 
there were twelve such lordships, four of which were the 
'great baronies' of Jaffa-Ascalon, Kerak-Montreal, Galilee, 
and Sidon. These in turn had their feudatories, and the 
powerful lordship of Ibelin, though but a mesne tenancy, 
overshadowed the double county of Jaffa and Ascalon. 
Beyond the royal domain, which centred round the capital 
and the towns of Tyre and Acre, the Kings of Jerusalem had 
little real authority. For the administration of their realm 
a customary code grew up, which, in days when the Latin 
lordships had waned almost to nothing, was embodied in 
the Assizes of Jerusalem, more valuable as an ideal picture of 
a perfect feudal state than as a description of what really 
prevailed at any one time in Syria. Being an artificial creation, 
the Latin state was more fully feudal than the kingdoms of 
the West, where the system had grown up naturally, and 
where there were still survivals of older forms of polity. 
Each lord held by the tenure of constant military service, 
and every effort was made to prevent the accumulation of 
fiefs in the same hands lest it should diminish the military 

I oAleppo 


)amia q ^ 

A T A B E K S 

ns Eerrandus - 

des Chevaliers 





'Die i/rcatest extent of the varimis Latin 

flutes we fluided time : — 
Kingdom of Jerusalem.. ,,_J^^ 

Coiinli/ of Tripoli .EHg 

I'rinclpalilu of Antioth BM . 

f'oiintij of Edeaea ESS 

The chief tonms of the i yrcatiinronies 

of the Kingdom underlined ns Keiak 
The chief towns in the roi/al domain 
underdotted as Jerusalem 

1 88 European History, 918-1273 

forces of the kingdom. There were the usual feudal officers 
of state, seneschal, constable, marshal, chamberlain, chan- 
cellor, and the rest. There were the great feudal Council 
of the Realm, and local courts presided over by hereditary 
viscounts. But the Franks were ever a small minority of 
warriors, rulers, priests, and, in the towns, traders. The 
priests and barons were practically all French or French- 
speaking, and the tongue of northern France became the 
ordinary language of the Latin East, while ' Frank ' became 
the commonest name by which Greeks and Arabs, Turks and 
Armenians, alike designated the Western settlers. It was a 
proof of the commercial importance of the land that customs 
duties became from the beginning a chief source of revenue. 
The only non-French element was the Italian commercial 
colony, which lived in separate quarters in the towns under 
governors and laws of its own. Venetians settled largely 
in the kingdom of Jerusalera, where the Marseilles mer- 
chants had exceptionally an enclosed factory of their own 
in the capital. Genoese mainly occupied the fiefs of 
Antioch and Tripoli. Pisa was already rather crowded out 
by her younger rivals. Through Italian hands the commerce 
between West and East almost exclusively passed. In the 
country, Syrian peasants, mainly of the Orthodox faith, tilled 
the lands of their Latin and Catholic masters, and like the 
Mohammedans and Jews, paid taxes from which the Franks 
were exempt. The paucity of numbers of the Franks led to 
extreme care being devoted to building castles and fortifying 
towns. The feudal stronghold became bigger, harder to take, 
and more elaborate than ever it had been in the West, and to 
this day there remain ruins of eastern castles that rival in dignity 
and strength Coucy, Carnarvon, or Caerphilly. Even in the 
desert beyond Jordan, the remnants of a vast fortress like 
Kerak shows how real and solid was the crusading state. Side 
by side with the Latin state went the Latin Church. Catholic 
bishops and priests were brought in everywhere, and the 
various sects of Oriental Christians — Greeks, Armenians, 

The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 189 

Nestorians, and the rest — shared in a common condemnation 
as schismatics, though at first common interests and com- 
mon enemies kept the churches better together than might 
have been expected. Churches and monasteries grew up 
beside the new castles. The Holy Sepulchre was soon 
enclosed in a newer and grander sanctuary. The mediaeval 
ideal — half martial, half ascetic — never had so fair a chance of 
development as in this land of Christians, forced to fight for 
their lives against Islam. It found its most characteristic 
expression in the martial monasticism of the military orders. 
For the present all looked well. Besides the constant crowd 
of pilgrims, there was a permanent population growing attached 
to its new home, which with strange quickness of sympathy, 
was adopting the conditions of Eastern life, and not seldom 
intermarrying with Syrians, Armenians, and Greeks. 'God 
has poured the West into the East,' boasted the chronicler 
Fulcher of Chartres. *We who were Westerns are now 
Easterns. We have forgotten our native land.' 

When the Latin kingdom was still young, a knight from 
Burgundy, named Hugh de Payens, made the journey to 
Jerusalem. Seeing that poor pilgrims were still The Military 
exposed to great hardships and dangers, he formed orders. 
a society, with eight knights like-minded with himself, devoted 
to the protection of distressed wayfarers. The grant of a house 
near Solomon's Temple led to the brethren „. „ 

1 • 11 1 1 T^ • 1 /• 1 rr^ , 1 ~"* Templars. 

being called the Knights of the Temple, and so 
successful did the new movement become that St. Bernard, 
then omnipotent in the Latin world, interested himself in it, 
and drew up a rule for it, which, in 11 28, was authorised by 
Honorius ii. It was a new departure in the history both 
of war and of religion. The knights took the threefold 
monastic vow of poverty, chastity, and obedience; and in 
time of peace ruled their life after the fashion of the canons 
regular, that were becoming so popular in the West [see 
pp. 204-207], Their main business of protecting pilgrims soon 
grew into a general duty of war against the infidel. Ascetic, 

190 European History, 918-1273 

austere, living the lives of monks, taught to regard hunting, 
games, and personal adornment as frivolous and worldly, they 
were, as their panegyrist says, 'lions in war, lambs in the house.' 
To Christians they were monks, to Islam they were soldiers. 
'They bear before them a banner, half-white, half-black: this 
they call Beaus^ant, because they are fair and friendly to the 
friends of Christ, to His enemies stern and black.' 

The needs of poor pilgrims had led the citizens of Amalfi 
to set up a hospital at Jerusalem for their refreshment, in the 
The Knights d'^ys when Palestine was still ruled by the Fatimite 
of St, John. Caliphs. This institution, dedicated to St. John 
the Baptist, was revived and reorganised by its master Gerard 
after the I_^tin conquest. Gerard's successor, Raymond of Le 
Puy, struck by the success of the Templars, obtained about 
1 130 the Pope's permission to convert this charitable founda- 
tion into a military brotherhood like that of Hugh de Payens. 
Before long the Hospitallers, or Knights of SL John, vied with 
the Templars in their numbers, wealth, and importance. At 
later times other military orders were founded, such as the 
Teutonic Order [founded in 1197], the struggling little 
English community of the Knights of St. Thomas of Acre 
[1231], and the three famous military orders of Spain. But 
in the Holy Land no other order ever took the position 
that was soon attained by the Templars and the Knights of 
St. John. Enormous estates gradually accrued to them in 
every country in Europe, and their houses in the West became 
recruiting stations, whence a regular supply of knights and 
servitors, vowed to a perpetual crusade, kept alive the forces 
of the Latin kingdom. A papal grant of 1162 exempted the 
Templars from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, save that of the 
Grand Master and the Pope. Like Cluny or Citeaux, each 
order formed an organised unity, ruled in the last instance 
by General Chapters, whose power controlled even that of the 
Master of each order. In the East each order formed a new 
little state, with castles, soldiers, revenues, and government 
of its own. Often in conflict with the kings and each other, 

The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 191 

the two chief orders nevertheless formed the most permanent 
and indestructible element in the Latin kingdom. It was due 
to their well-drilled enthusiasm that the Latin East could still 
hold its own against the Saracen and Turk. 

The organisation of the Latin East was hardly completed 
when the period of decline set in. Much of the success of 
the First Crusade had been due to the antagonism Rise of the 
of Turk and Arab, and the break-up of the Atabeks. 
Seljukian kingdom. In the generation following, a new 
danger arose in the growth of a consolidated Mohammedan 
state in Syria. Imad-ed-din Zangi was a Turk whose father 
had been a trusted follower of Malek Shah, and who, after a 
stormy youth, had been, in 1127, made governor, or Atabek, 
of Mosul. In the course of the next fifteen years Zangi 
destroyed all the rival Mohammedan powers in northern Syria 
and Mesopotamia, and then turned his arms against Edessa, 
the remote crusading county that encroached upon his 
territories and threatened his capital. Jocelin of Courtenay, 
who ruled Edessa after Baldwin became King of Jerusalem, 
opposed him by a vigorous resistance, but Jocehn's son, 
Jocelin 11., was a cowardly voluptuary, who left Edessa almost 
undefended. In 1 144 Zangi conquered Edessa, Fail of 
and put the Frankish garrison to the sword. The Odessa, 1144. 
whole county was speedily overrun, and the Latin East ex- 
perienced its first great disaster. 

[ The fall of Edessa filled Europe with alarm, and St. Bernard, 
raen in the plenitude of his influence, preached a new crusade 
with extraordinary fervour, and won over the two 

c ^ ■ • /-ii • . J T • St. Bernard 

foremost princes m Christendom. Louis vii., and the 
King of France, had already taken the Crusader's Second 
vow to expiate an early crime of violence [see 
page 284], but liis barons, and his minister Suger, urgently 
dissuaded him. i At Easter, 1146, St. Bernard appeared before 
a great gathering at V^zelai, and amidst scenes that recalled 
the first enthusiasm at Clermont, all ranks took the cross from 
the hands of the great Cistercian. After preaching the crusade 

192 European History, 918-1273 

over northern France, Bernard went to Germany, and at 
Christmas, in the cathedral at Speyer, overcame by his 
eloquence the hesitation of Conrad 111. 

Two large armies were now equipped. Conrad and his 
Germans were first on the march, and travelling by way of 
Crusade of Hungary and Bulgaria, were well received by ihe 
Conrad III. Greek Emperor, Manuel Comnenus, whose wife, 
Bertha of Sulzbach, was Conrad's sister-in-law. Unwilling to 
wait for the arrival of the French, Conrad started at once 
to march by way of Nicaea and Iconium to Syria, a route 
that led him through the heart of the kingdom of Roum, 
where the light-armed Turkish horsemen perpetually assailed 
his ill-disciplined and unwieldy squadrons, who were over- 
whelmed by the same fate that befel the Crusaders of 1101 
[September 1147]. A mere remnant escaped with Conrad to 
Crusade of Nicsea, where the French, under Louis vii., had 
Louis VII. at last assembled. To avoid the dangers of the 
upland plateau, the French proceeded southward along the 
coast of Asia Minor as far as Ephesus, whence they ascended 
the valley of the Maeander into the interior, in order to avoid 
the rugged shores of Caria and Lycia. They were at once ex- 
posed to constant Turkish attacks. Conrad, who started 
with them on a second attempt, soon lost heart, and returned to 
Constantinople. When the wearied army at last reached the 
little port of Attalia in Pamphylia [February 1 148], the leaders 
resolved to borrow ships from the Greeks, and effect the rest 
of their journey by sea. But so small a number of ships was 
forthcoming, that only the knights were enabled to embark. 
The rest of the army was forced to resume its dangerous land 
march, and few indeed ever reached their destination. 

In March 1148 Louis vii. and his wife, Eleanor of 
Aquitaine, landed at Antioch with the little band of knights, 
that now alone represented the two greatest military powers of 
Christendom. He hurried at once to the south, where he 
was joined by Conrad iii., who had now reached Acre by sea. 
It was unwisely resolved to march against Damascus, though 

The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 193 

its ruler was the chief enemy of Noureddin, Zangi's son and 
successor, and would have willingly stood aside had the attack 
been concentrated on the conquerors of Edessa. As it was, 
Mosul and Damascus made common cause, and the attack 
on the latter city proved an utter failure. Conrad- at once 
went home, and Louis followed him a year later. ^The result 
of the Second Crusade was to promote the unity of Islam, 
and to divert the enemy from the qorth to Jerusalem, where 
the Christian position was weakest. ) 

The thirty years succeeding the Second Crusade were a 
period of fair but somewhat stationary prosperity for the Latin 
East The long minority of Baldwin iii. (1143-1163) was a 
great calamity in itself, but his mother, Millicent, was a 
capable regent, and Baldwin, when he grew up, proved a 
vigorous warrior both against the Egyptians and Noureddin, 
while his affability, generosity, and bright ready wit made him 
the most popular of all his line. By his marriage with Theo- 
dora, daughter of the Emperor Manuel, Baldwin iii. did some- 
thing to promote active co-operation between the Greeks and 
the Latins against Islam, and his death in 1 163 was ^j^^ Kingdom 
a great loss to the Latin kingdom, Amalric 1., of Jerusalem 
his brother (1163-1174), also married a Byzantine second'and 
wife, and even visited Constantinople. But with the Third 
all his policy he failed to unite effectively the ^™"*"^*»- 
Christian forces, or to check seriously the growth of the 
power of Noureddin, and with his death the decline of the 
kingdom rapidly set in. His son and successor, Baldwin iv. 
(1174-1185), began to reign as a boy of twelve, and as he 
grew up proved a hopeless leper. On his death another child, 
Baldwin v. (1185-1186), his sister Sibyl's son by her first 
husband, succeeded, but he died the next year. The crown 
was now disputed between Guy of Lusignan, Sibyl's second 
husband, and Raymond, Count of Tripoli, who had acted as 
regent for the leper king. In the short but sharp civil war 
that followed, the last hopes of the kingdom perished. 

A state ruled in turn by a leper, a child, and an intriguing 


194 European History, 918-1273 

woman was in no fit state to carry on a perpetual struggle 
for existence, and the disorders of the royal house were only 
typical of the disorganisation of the realm. There was 
always a corrupt element among the Crusaders. A momen- 
tary religious enthusiasm could not change the nature of the 
criminals and desperadoes, who had sought a refuge in the 
East from the errors they had committed in the West. But 
even the descendants of the warrior saints lamentably degen- 
erated under the fierce sun of Syria, and the luxury and moral 
corruption of Oriental life. The best and bravest perished in 
the ceaseless wars against the infidel, and the crusading lord- 
ships were constantly diminishing in numbers, and too often 
a single heiress, an imbecile or a minor, represented a great 
aggregation of fiefs, formerly owned by many warriors able to 
make head personally against the Turks. Things were 
almost worse with the Franks in the towns, whose frequent 
intermarriage with native women led to a mixed race called 
' PuUani,' with Eastern habits and ways of thought. Under 
these circumstances the military orders became indispensable. 
Their castles were always commanded by grown men accus- 
tomed to affairs, and from their numerous conimanderies 
throughout Christendom came a succession of warriors, whose 
strength had not been sapped by an almost tropical climate. 

The physical and moral decline of the Latins was made 
more fatal by their divisions. The princes of Antioch and 
their Armenian neighbours stood apart from the states of 
southern Syria, and the Greek Empire was increasingly 
hostile. While Roger of Sicily repeated the policy of Robert 
Guiscard and Boliemund, and the Italian allies of the 
Crusaders robbed the Empire of its trade, real co-operation 
against Islam was impossible. Within the crusading realm 
there was constant strife. The Templars quarrelled with the 
Hospitallers, the French with the Provencals, English, and 
Germans, and the Genoese with the Pisans and Venetians. 
The new-comers from the West quarrelled with the older 
settlers. Among the baronial houses hereditary feuds arose, 

The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 195 

as in every feudal country. The purely feudal organisation 
of the kingdom made a strong central power impossible, and 
nothing but a vigorous despotism, like that of Henry 11. in 
England, could have long kept the motley state together. As 
time went on, the Telations between the Franks and their 
Eastern subjects grew worse, and neither the unwarlike 
Armenian nor the slavish Syrian was of any avail to supple- 
ment their armies. It speaks well for the energy of such parts 
of the polity as remained sound, that a century was still to 
elapse before the crusading kingdoms entirely disappeared. 

The growth of a great Moslem monarchy in Syria was the 
last and worst of the many misfortunes of the Latin Christians. 
After Zangi's death in 1146, Noureddin had carried the power 
of the Atabeks to much loftier heights. He _^ . 
captured Damascus, and pushed his dominions to the power 
the sea-coast, thus isolating Antioch from Tripoli °^ saudin. 
and Jerusalem. In 1171 his nephew, Saladin, conquered 
Egypt, and practically put an end to the schismatic Caliphate 
of the Fatimites. Noureddin died in 11 74, recognised even 
by the Christians as a 'just man, wise and religious, so far as 
the traditions of his race allowed.' His sons were quite 
unable to hold their own against their cousin. In a few 
years the lord of Cairo and Alexandria soon became also 
the lord of Aleppo and Damascus. The Latins were enclosed 
by a single united Moslem state, ruled by a generous soldier 
and a crafty statesman. 

After Guy's coronation, most of the Frankish barons ac- 
cepted him as king, though Raymond of Tripoli, indignant at 
his usurpation, intrigued with Saladin. Next year the pillage 
of a Mussulman convoy by the lord of Kerak gave Saladin a 
pretext for proclaiming a holy war against the ^he Battle 
Christians, and invading the kingdom of Jerusalem, of Hattin 
On 4th July 1 187 a great battle was fought at ""^^^^^ 
Hattin, in which Saladin won a complete victory, Jerusalem, 
King Guy was taken prisoner, and the True Cross "^' 
fell into the infidels' hands. On and October Jerusalem 


European History, 918-1273 

fell, and Tyre, Tripoli, and Antioch alone succeeded in 
driving Saladin from their walls. Thus the great kingdom of 
the Franks of Syria was reduced to a few towns near the sea- 
coast, and a few sorely beleaguered castles. ' The Latins of 

the East,' said William of Tyre, * had forsaken God, and God 
now forsook them.' Unless Europe made another such 
effort as Urban 11, had made, the crusading state would soon 
disappear altogether. 

The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 



Godfrey the Bearded, 

Duke of Lower Lorraine, d. io6g, 

m. T. Doda ; 2. Beatrice, mother of Countess Matilda 

Godfrey the Hunchback, 

Duke of Lower Lorraine, 

d. 1076 

Godfrey of Boulogne, 

Duke of Lower Lorraine, and 

Baron of the Holy Sepulchre, 

d. iioo 

m. Eustace 11., 
Count of Boulogne 

Eustace III. 
of Boulogne 

Baldwin i., 

Count of Edessa and 

King of Jerusalem 


Baldwin iv. 


Baldwin ii.. 

Cousin of Baldwin i. 


m. FuLK OF Anjou 


Baldwin hi. 

Amalric I. 


tn. I. William of Montferrat 

3. Guy of Lusignan 



Baldwin v. 


tn. 2. CoNKAD OF Montferrat 


3. Henry of Champagne 


4. Amalric ii. of Cyprus 




m. John of Bribnnb 


tn. Emperor Frederick u. 

(rf. I 8 so) 

Amalric hi. 
(d. 1206) 



Aspects of the Hildebrandine Movement — The new Religious Orders — Bruno 
and the Carthusians — The Beginnings of the Cistercians and Robert of 
Molfime— The Charter of Charity — The Canons Regular — Norbert and 
Pr^montr6 — The Military Orders — Influence of St. Bernard— The Specu- 
lative Revival — Beginnings of Scholasticism — Abelard and his influence — 
Abelard and Bernard — Popular Heresies — Peter de Bruys — The Poor 
Men of Lyons — The Albigenses — The Legal Revival — Imerius and the 
Civil Law — Gratian and the Canon Law. 

With all their importance, the Crusades were only one aspect 
of the great religious and intellectual movement that heralded 
the twelfth century throughout the length and 
aspects of the breadth of Western Europe, and was as directly 
Hildebrandine ^ rcsult of the triumph of the Hildebrandine 

movement. , ^ 

ideal as the new theories themselves were an 
emanation from the Cluniac revival. Beginning with the 
strenuous careers of Gregory vii. and Urban il, this new spirit 

^ Besides the dry pages of Moller and Gieseler, reference can be made 
to Montalembert's picturesque Monks of the West, and Maitland's Dark 
Ages, while J. H. Newman's Lives of English Saints tells the story of 
some of the monastic heroes with rare sympathy and power. An idea of 
the monastic life can be got from good biographies, such as Church's Life 
of St. Anselm, or Morison's Life of St. Bernard. Poole's Illustrations of 
the History of Mediaval Thought, and Rashdall's Universities of the 
Middle Ages (chap. ii. 'Abelard and the Renaissance of the Twelfth 
Century,' and chap. iv. §§ i and 2) give admirable accounts of the mtel- 
lectual movements of the time. Hardwick's History of the Christian 
Church in the Middle Ages is a succinct one-volume summary of general 
Church history. 

The Monastic Movement 199 

at once began to work powerfully on Europe, and reached 
its height in the days of peace that succeeded the end of the 
Investiture Contest 

A monastic revival succeeded, as it preceded, the reforma- 
tion of the Papacy. At first the movement was on the old 
lines, and Cluny still maintained its reputation, -fhe 
and increased its number of offshoots. But the monastic 
* Congregation of Cluny ' was too unelastic to be "^^* " 
capable of indefinite expansion, and its influence was perhaps 
widest felt in those houses which adopted its ideal without 
giving up their ancient Benedictine independence. Con- 
spicuous among such was Hirschau, a convent 
situated on the north-eastern slopes of the Black 
Forest, in Swabia, where Abbot William introduced the rule 
of Cluny in 1077, and which immediately became a centre 
of monastic reformation in southern Germany, though the 
congregation of Hirschau never attained the organisation or 
permanence of that of Cluny. 

The weak point of the Cluniac system was that everything 
depended upon the abbot. Under the unworthy Pontius 
(1109-1125), whom kinship to Paschal 11. had ^. 
brought to the headship of Cluny at an exceed- 
ingly early age, discipline declined, the old simplicity dis- 
appeared, and the abbot, whose virtues were those of a feudal 
noble rather than a true monk, wasted his energies in 
conflicts with the Bishop of Macon, who, in spite of papal 
exemptions, strove to reform the decHning house as diocesan. 
But under the famous abbot, Peter the Venerable, Cluny 
again became a power in Europe, though its old influence 
was never restored. Younger houses, organised on newer 
lines, divided among themselves the reverence once felt for 
it, and even Peter of Cluny was overshadowed by Bernard of 

The times were still so stormy, and secular life so rough, 
that the impulse which drove pious minds into the cloister 
was as strong as ever. The feudal anarchy that still 

200 European History, 918-1273 

prevailed in France, perhaps continaed to give that country 
the leading part, both in spreading hierarchical ideas and in 
Further bringing about further monastic revivals. The 

*^*^*°P™*°* great question for the new race of monastic re- 
congrega- formers was how to keep up the spirit of the 
tionai Idea, older rule while avoiding its dangers. Cluny had 
not quite solved the problem, though the congregational 
idea, the more disciplined austerity, and the admission of 
conversi or lay brothers, were steps capable of wider develop- 
ment. How to avoid the wealth, pride, and idleness that 
came from success was a still harder problem. The import- 
ance of the new orders that arose in the end of the eleventh 
and the early years of the twelfth century depended upon 
the skill with which the founders answered these fundamental 

The first new order was the order of Grammont. Its 
founder, St. Stephen, an Auvergnat noble, settled in 1076 
Order of with a fcw Companions at Muret, north of 
Grammont. Limogcs, though after his death the house was 
removed to the bleak granitic plateau of the neighbouring 
Grammont A large number of daughter houses grew up 
in Aquitaine, Anjou, and Normandy, all of which, after 
the Cluniac fashion, were subject to the prior of Grammont 
St Stephen's wish was to follow no fixed definite system, but 
to be content with the Gospel rules of poverty, humility, and 
long-suffering, and his successors embodied this aspiration 
in a form of life which forbade the order to possess land, 
cattle, or churches, to exclude seculars from its services, 
and allowed it, if no alms came, to beg for sustenance. This 
was a remarkable anticipation of the chief characteristic of 
the mendicant orders of the thirteenth century, but it 
did not prevent the early decay of these disorderly 
idealists. A stern fixed rule was necessary to a mediaeval 

A happier fate attended St. Bruno, the founder of the 
Carthusians. A German from Cologne, Bruno, became 

The Monastic Movement 20 1 

scholasticus of the famous chapter school at Reims, where 
he numbered Urban ii. among his disciples. Driven with 
disgust from Reims by the violence of Archbishop ^j^^ 
Manasses, he hid himself in a wild mountain Carthusian 
valley near Grenoble in Dauphiny, the site of the st?B™no. 
still famous Grande Chartreuse, where he gathered 
round him a band of hermits living in separate cells. Bruno 
was called to Rome by his old pupil Urban ii. ; but the love 
of retirement soon took him to Calabria, where he founded 
another Charterhouse, and died in iioi. Charterhouses 
now grew up, though not very rapidly, all over Europe, 
and the order took its final shape in the statutes of 1258. 
The possession of land, forbidden by Bruno, was strictly 
limited, as were all other sources of wealth. Ruled by a 
general chapter, the order followed up still further the idea 
of the congregation. But the special characteristic of the 
Carthusians was the union of the hitherto separated coenobitic 
and eremitic ideals. The Carthusian belonged to an order 
and convent, with its common church and other buildings ; 
but instead of living without privacy in common dormitory 
and refectory, he lived in a separate cell a life of meditation, 
study, and silence, while the conversi practised agricul- 
ture. The Carthusian life was novel; but the magnificent 
churches and buildings of the order show that it took a deep 
root. Better than many of the purely coenobitic orders, the 
Carthusians maintained their purity with few traces of the 
inevitable decay that beset most monastic types when the 
enthusiasm of the founders had abated. Another order, that 
of Fontevrault, founded by the Breton, Robert of Arbrissel 
(iioo), was distinguished by combining monasteries for 
men and women in one establishment after the primitive 
plan, and by making the abbess superior of the whole com- 
munity, since Robert reverenced in her the representative 
of the Virgin. Outside France this order had no great 

The most important influence among the new orders 

202 European History, giZ-\27Z 

undoubtedly fell to the Cistercians, who rose rapidly from 

humble beginnings to a unique position. In 1075 a monk 

The named Robert founded a small convent at MolSme 

Cistercian jjj northern Burgundy, where he strove to carry out 

Order and . , , , ,r / ,,.,,., , r 

Robert of >^th absolute hteralness and fidelity the rule of 
Moieme. St. Benedict. The monks found the austerities of 
their abbot so painful that they rebelled, and in 1098 Robert 
left Moleme in despair, accompanied by the few zealots, 
conspicuous among whom was the Englishman Stephen or 
Harding. The little band settled down at Citeaux, between 
Dijon and Chalon, a desolate spot which derived its name 
from the surrounding pools of standing water. There was 
founded the famous abbey, which was to give its name to a 
new departure in monastic history. At first the brethren lived in 
excessive poverty and isolation. But the fame of their holiness 
gradually brought them adherents, and from 11 13, when the 
young Burgundian nobleman, Bernard of Fontaines, applied 
for admission with thirty of his kinsmen, the growth of Citeaux 
was rapid. The monastery overflowed, and swarm after swarm 
of monks established daughter houses elsewhere. In 11 15 
Bernard himself, whose strong will and saintly character had 
won for him in two years a leading position, led one of these 
migrations to Clairvaux, of which house he became abbot. 
Stephen the Englishman was now abbot of Citeaux, and 
showed a capacity for organisation which soon made the 
single poor monastery that he ruled the mother of a great 
order. In 11 19 he obtained Calixtus ii.'s approval for the 
Carta famous 'Charter of Charity,* the constitution 

Caritatis, which he had devised for Citeaux and its daughter 
*"'■ houses. The movement soon spread like wild- 

fire, and hundreds of Cistercian monasteries were founded 
throughout Christendom. 

The leading characteristics of the Cistercians marked the 
new order clearly off from its fellows. Starting from their 
first principle of absolute asceticism, they pushed the doctrine 
of self-renunciation as far as human capacity allowed. They 

The Monastic Movement 203 

rejected soft and costly garments, lived on the plainest and 
simplest food, and would not tolerate splendour even in their 
churches, where, instead of gold and silver crosses, they con- 
tented themselves with painted wood. The very vestments 
of their priests were of coarse stuff without gold, or silver, 
or costly embroidery. Their churches and monasteries were 
built as simply as was possible. Towers and belfries were 
rejected as useless luxuries. Choosing for their abode remote 
valleys and wildernesses far from the haunts of men, they 
carefully avoided the proximity to town-life, which was a 
stumbling-block in the way of the older orders. Even the 
cure of souls was prohibited as likely to lead the monks into 
the world and its sins, and to celebrate Masses for money 
was denounced as simony. Thus the old Benedictine rule 
was upheld, and the monk reminded that he was no clerk 
but a pious recluse, whose business was to save his own 
soul. For the occupation of the brethren labour was enjoined ; 
and a large number of conversi carried on the hard agricultural 
work that soon made the wilderness blossom like a garden, 
and filled with sheep the downs and deserts. It thus resulted 
that the Cistercians, despite their principles, had considerable 
influence in promoting the civilisation of the regions in which 
they settled. The interconnection of their houses made it 
easy for them to spread a tendency or an idea from land to 
land, as when they transmitted the first rudiments of Gothic 
architecture from its north French home to Italy,^ While 
wealth and idleness were thus kept at bay, elaborate efforts 
were made to keep watch over backsliders. While the 
example of Cluny had led all the great monasteries to strive 
to get from the Pope exemption from episcopal authority, 
Clteaux ostentatiously professed canonical obedience to the 
Bishop of Chalon, and every daughter house was founded with 
the consent of the diocesan, to whom its abbot submitted 
himself as a subject Moreover, the constitution sketched in 

^ See on this subject Enlart's Origines de V Architecture gothique en 
lUlit (Biblioth^ue de r£cole franfaise de Rome). 

204 European History, 918-1273 

the 'Carta Caritatis ' provided within the order itself means for 
perpetual visitation and reproof of weaker brethren, that was 
far more effective than episcopal control. Like the Cluniacs, 
the Cistercians formed a congregation over which the Abbot 
of Citeaux exercised the powers of a king. But an elaborate 
series of checks on the abbot's power imparted an aristocratic 
or popular element to the government of the new order. 
The abbots of the four first daughters of Citeaux [La 
Fert^ (founded 1113), Pontigny (11 14), Clairvaux (1115), 
and Morimond (i 1 15)], and the General Chapter of the abbots 
of the order, while liable to be visited and corrected by their 
superior, had the power of correcting, administering, and 
depriving the head of the order himself. The monasteries 
were to be visited yearly. Each new house was affiliated to 
the earlier one from which it had sprung, and the mother- 
house exercised a special watchfulness over it. So different 
did the Cistercians feel themselves from other regulars that 
they significantly discarded the black garment of the Benedic- 
tines in favour of a coarse white dress, from which they got the 
name of the white monks. Their elaborate organisation gave 
them a corporate feeling and unity of purpose to which 
few other orders could aspire. They represent the last and 
most complete effort to give real effect to the ideal of 
St. Benedict, by enjoining an austerity even beyond that of 
Benedict, and by an elaborate organisation to which his rule 
for a single house was quite a stranger. 

Other new orders started on a different purpose. Various 
hospital orders, which laid special stress on the care of the 
sick and suffering, were set up for those who sought salvation 
in good works for the world, rather than in isolation from 
human intercourse. But the great contribution of the twelfth 
century towards bridging over the great gulf between clerk 
and monk was the institution of the so-called Austin Canons, 
The Canon* o' Canons Regular. It was agreed that the higher 
Regular. Hfe was the monastic life, and that the secular 
priest, possessing private property, living in his own house 

TJte Monastic Movement 205 

and immersed in worldly affairs, stood on a lower plane than 
the regular, but the cure of souls was left to the secular 
clergy, and it was no part of the Hildebrandine ideal to 
neglect the pastoral work of the Church. Hence came a 
movement for reforming the secular clergy by making them 
live the life of a monk, while they carried on the duties of a 
clerk. It was impossible to enforce monastic life on the 
isolated and ignorant parish clergy, among whom it was hard 
work enough to enforce the new obligation of celibacy. The 
great colleges and cathedrals, served by many priests, offered 
an easier and more fruitful field for reform. 

In the fifth century St. Augustine of Hippo had sought to 
establish a 'monastery of clerks in the bishop's household.' 
In the days of the Carolingian reformation. Bishop Chrodegang 
of Metz had, in the spirit of the great African father, set up a 
rule of life, by which canons of a cathedral should live in 
common along with their bishops. In Hildebrand's days 
Peter Damiani appealed to the example of St. Augustine as 
the ideal pattern for the cathedral clergy. Many chapters were 
reformed, and from the twelfth century onwards a sharp dis- 
tinction was drawn between 'regular canons,' subject to a 
rule of life, and 'secular canons' of the old-fashioned sort. 
The great property and the political influence of the cathedral 
chapters made it hard to keep out of them members of the 
great territorial families, who looked on their prebends as 
sources of income, and who soon found a regular life too 
austere, so that few cathedrals became permanently served 
by them. But new churches of Regular Canons, where 
there were no secular traditions to interfere with the strict- 
ness of their rule, began to rise up all over Christen- 
dom. The general name of ' Austin Canons ' suggested that 
the whole of the class strove to realise the old ideal of 
St. Augustine. 

Various congregations of Regular Canons were now set up, 
conspicuous among which was that of the Victorines, whose 
abbey of St. Victor in Paris became, as we shall see, a prominent 

2o6 European History^ 918-1273 

centre of conservative theology. But it was the establishment 
of the Premonstratensian congregation by Norbert of Xanten 
which gave the Austin Canons so great a position in Christen- 
Norbert and ^°™ ^^^^ '^^X ^^i^ost rivalled the Cistercians in 
the Premon- popularity. Norbert was a man of high family, who, 
stratensians. ^^^^^ having held canonrics of the old-fashioned 
sort at his native town and at Cologne, gave up the world 
and wandered as a preacher of penitence throughout Gaul, 
carefully avoiding intercourse with clerks or monks. In 11 20 
he settled in a desert place in the forest of Coucy, not far 
from Laon, where the bishop was his friend, and established 
there a house of Canons Regular, calling the spot Prdmontr^ 
[Pratum Monstratum], in the belief that the site had been 
pointed out to him by an angel. The rule of Pr^montr^ soon 
became famous, and its canons, clad in the white garment of 
the Cistercians, showed, by their energy and zeal, that clerks 
bound by a rule could live lives as holy as monks and do as 
much pastoral work as seculars. As an ' order of clerks ' they 
exercised cure of souls, preached, taught, and heard confes- 
sions, and where possible made their churches parochial. In 
1 1 26 Norbert became Archbishop of Magdeburg. Finding 
the secular chapter utterly opposed to his policy, he planted a 
new colony of Premonstratensians hard by in the collegiate 
church of St Mary (1129). Through his influence the Pre- 
monstratensians took the leading share in the civilising and 
Christianising of the Slavonic lands beyond the Elbe. In a 
later chapter we shall see how Norbert soon became the 
Emperor Lothair's chief adviser and helper. Before his death 
his order had spread throughout Western Christendom. While 
Clteaux had for its ambition the perfection of an ancient 
system, Pr^montr^ made a new departure in religious history. 
Later regular orders have in nearly all cases striven to carry 
out the ideal of Norbert, of combining the religious life with 
that pastoral care, which to the older type of monasticism was 
but a subtle and attractive form of that worldliness which 
they were pledged to avoid. Within Norbert's own lifetime 

The Monastic Movement 207 

the rule of the Austin Canons received a very great accession 
to its strength. The military orders of the Latin East all 
lived when at peace the life, and took the vows The Military 
of Austin Canons, while the older military orders O'"*^*"- 
of Spain [Calatrava, 1158, Alcantara, 1152] stood in close 
connection with the Cistercians. [See chapter xx.] 

The great development of new orders had a many-sided 
influence on the character of the twelfth century. The monks 
and the Regular Canons were everywhere the best influence of 
servants of the Papacy, while their international the new 
organisation was a new link between the national i°fe o7the * * 
churches. The local jealousy of Roman influence, twelfth 
the aspirations of the bishops to an independent '=^"*"'v- 
position, were energetically withstood by the enthusiasm of 
the young orders. Their asceticism and zeal for good works 
won for them the passionate attachment of the laity, and 
stimulated the sluggish seculars to greater activity and holi- 
ness. Their influence over public opinion was enormous. 
Not Louis of France or Conrad of Germany, but Norbert 
of Magdeburg and Bernard of Clairvaux, were the real leaders 
of European thought towards the middle of the twelfth 

The practical authority of Norbert was mainly limited to 
Germany, but the influence of Bernard, confined to no class or 
country, proved something almost unique in the 
whole of Christian history. While Bernard lived 
the simple and self-denying life of a Cistercian in his 
Burgundian monastery, his activity took in the whole of 
Christendom. His correspondence was enormous, his works 
numerous and varied, and his authority hardly questioned. 
Through his influence the white robe of the Cistercians be- 
came familiar in the remotest valleys of Christendom, and 
the simple and struggling order, which he had joined but a 
few years before, attained a world-wide celebrity. Every sort 
of dispute and difference was brought before his tribunal. 
The rulers of Church and State flocked to the rude huts 0/ 

208 European History, 918-1273 

Clairvaux as to an oracle. In his frequent journeys throughout 
France, the Rhineland and Italy, he was welcomed as Pope or 
Emperor was never welcomed. It was Bernard who drew up 
the rule for the Knights Templars, who ended the papal schism 
of 1 130, and procured the recognition of Innocent ii. as Pope. 
Innocent 11. set the example of deference to his authority 
which subsequent Popes obsequiously continued, till at last 
a simple Cistercian became Pope Eugenius in., merely 
because he was the friend of Bernard. Bernard joined with 
Norbert in reprobating the rationalism that sprang from the 
teaching of an Abelard or Gilbert de la Porrde or Arnold of 
Brescia, and strove with sublime unreasonableness to put 
down the new questioning spirit. More open heresy, like that 
of Peter de Bruys, found in him an equally implacable foe. 
He upheld every doctrine of hierarchical power, and scrupled 
not to rebuke kings and emperors if they gainsaid him. He 
rekindled the crusading spirit when it seemed growing cool, 
and persuaded the two greatest princes of Christendom to 
set forth on the ill-fated Second Crusade. Stern, unyielding, 
rigid, dogmatic, blind to all things which in his view did not 
immediately promote the kingdom of God, Bernard represents 
the very triumph of the older monastic spirit with its com- 
pleteness of self-renunciation, its terrible asceticism, its strange 
and almost inhuman virtues. Even in his own day, his spirit 
was not that of the whole Church, and bold voices were found 
to lament his obstinacy, his narrowness, his obscurantist 
hatred of secular learning. But with all his faults he is a 
great and noble figure, and as the supreme representative of 
a dying type, his career marks a transition to a newer, brighter 
and more progressive world, than the gloomy realm over which 
he had reigned so long as unquestioned sovereign. Yet it 
shows that the days of brute force were over, when a simple 
monk, whose singleness of purpose and zeal for righteousness 
were never so much as questioned, could rule with such 
astounding power over the minds of men. Even more than 
the authority of the great Popes, the power of Bernard supplies 

The Twelfth Century Renascence 209 

a striking justification of the universal monarchy of the Church 
of the twelfth century. 

From the religious revival there sprang a revived interest 
in literature and speculation. Monastic life was strictly 
conservative, and the old doctrine of Gregory The literary 
the Great, that secular literature was unworthy and specuia- 
the attention of a good Christian, was the position **^* reviva . 
of St. Bernard himself. But the monks were at least interested 
in theology ; and not even Bernard's influence could prevent 
pious souls from seeking in nature and literature the justifica- 
tion of the ways of God to man. As the necessary preliminary 
of theological study, the 'seven arts' of the old-fashioned 
'Trivium' and 'Quadrivium' had again to be cultivated. 
Monastic schools once more stimulated the intel- 

, , . . _, ^, _ , Its relation 

lectual mterest of Europe. Many of the greater to the 
houses became centres of education. So far back monastic 
as the tenth century monks like St. Bruno of 
Cologne and Gerbert of Aurillac had restored the Carolingian 
educational discipline, which had fallen into ruin in the dark 
days of barbarian invasion and internal anarchy. German 
cloisters, like St. Gallen and Reichenau, became famous for 
their learning. Cluny forged the theories that Hildebrand 
wielded. Lanfranc of Bee made the Norman monastery one 
of the great centres of dialectical and theological study in 
northern Europe. Side by side with the cloister schools were 
the schools of the great cathedrals, such as that of Reims, 
where Gerbert taught. In these the teachers were partly 
seculars, and there was perhaps more freedom and breadth of 
interests than in the purely monastic academies. When the 
revival of speculation brought out differences of opinion, 
Berengar, the scholasticus of the cathedral school of Tours, 
used the weapon of logic to attack the newly formulated 
doctrine of transubstantiation. It was Lanfranc, the monk of 
Bee, that employed all the resources of his skill to demolish 
the arguments of the hardy heretic. But though Berengar 
was first condemned by Leo ix. in 1050, it was not until 


2 1 o European History, 918-1273 

1078 that Gregory vii. practically settled the controversy by 
insisting upon his complete retractation. So slow were the 
methods against heresy in times when its danger was hardly 

In the next generation two distinct tendencies present 
themselves. Anselm of Aosta, Lanfranc's successor alike at 
Bee and Canterbury, defended the traditional 
tion to the position of the Church with a wider learning and 
scholastic deeper insight than his predecessor. Anselm has 
p I osop y. j^^^^ called both the last of the fathers and the 
first of the schoolmen. But while his motive was the same 
as that of the later schoolmen, his methods were somewhat 
different, and his enduring fame is not for the acuteness of 
Anselm and ^is dialectic, SO much as for his broad insight into 
Rosceiin. the deeper problems of philosophy and his antici- 
pation of positions that were not fully taken up until the 
reign of scholasticism was over. The Realism of which he 
was the upholder was part of the earlier tradition of the 
ecclesiastical schools. Much more epoch-making, though 
not in itself altogether original, was the Nominalism of 
Rosceiin, the true parent of scholastic philosophy. While 
Anselm only saw in philosophy the way of justifying the 
Church's teaching, Roscelin's logical nominalism led him 
to deny the possibihty of the Trinity in Unity and teach 
undisguised Tritheism. But he argued as a logician and not 
as a divine, and in 1092 acquiesced in the recantation which 
was presented to him by a council at Soissons. From the 
controversies of Anselm and Rosceiin all the later intellectual 
activity sprang. 

Early in the twelfth century there were many schools and 
masters scattered through central Europe and particularly in 
northern GauL Of one of the least of these schools and 
scholars it could be said that 'clerics flocked from divers 
Activity of countrics to hear him daily; so that if thou 
the schools, shouldst Walk about the public places of the city 
and behold the crowds of disputants, thou wouldst say that the 

The Twelfth Century Renascence 211 

citizens had left off their other labours and given themselves 
to philosophy.'! There was no order or method in study. 
Any one could teach who had learnt under an accredited 
master and had received the Church's licence. The students 
followed the masters, and the centres of study fluctuated as 
reputations were made and destroyed. But at this period 
there were three chief schools in northern France, all closely 
connected with the cathedrals of the respective towns. The 
teaching of Anselm of Laon (a scholar of St. Anselm) made 
that city a great centre of theological lore. The dialectical 
renown of William of Champeaux brought crowds of students 
to the cathedral schools of Paris. The literary enthusiasm of 
the Breton Platonist, Bernard Sylvester, and of his successor, 
William of Conches, made the cathedral school of Chartres 
* the most abundant spring of letters in Gaul.' ^ 

Peter Abelard (1079-1142), a Breton from Palais, near 
Nantes, was the most striking manifestation of the new spirit. 
He was the eldest son of a gentleman of good estate, but he 
early renounced his inheritance, and devoted himself with 
extraordinary enthusiasm to study. He first learnt dialectic 
under Roscelin at Loches, near Tours, and afterwards under 
William of Champeaux at Paris. But his sublime self-confi- 
dence and acute sceptical intellect speedily brought Abeiard and 
him into conflict, both with the novel Nominalism his influence, 
of Roscelin and with the old-fashioned extreme Realism of 
William of Champeaux. He soon despised and strove to 
supplant his masters. While William of Champeaux taught 
with declining authority at the cathedral school, and after- 
wards in the Abbey of St. Victor, his audacious disciple 
gathered an opposition band of pupils round him in neigh- 
bouring towns, and finally on the hill of Ste. Genevibve, where 
he became so famous, that William retired in disgust to his 

^ Poole, Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval Thought, p. io6, 
quotes the local chronicle's account of the teaching of Odo of Cambrai 
at the Abbey of St. Martin's, Tournai. 

' See oa this subject Cleiv&l, Les icoles de Chartres au moyen dge. 

2 1 7 European History ^ 918-1273 

bishopric of Chalons. Abelard's acuteness, rhetorical skill, 
and attractive personality, soon drew to Paris crowds of 
students, who gave the city a unique position among the 
schools of Europe. The Conceptualism, which he perhaps 
learnt from Aristotle, seemed more scientific than Realism, and 
less revolutionary than Nominalism. But it is not so much 
what he taught, as the spirit in which he taught, that gave 
Abelard his position in history. His method was essentially 
rationalistic. He based his orthodoxy on its reasonableness. 
' A doctrine is not to be believed,' he is reported to have said, 
' because God has said it, but because we are convinced by 
reason that it is so.' Moved by religious zeal as well as greed 
for applause, he went to Laon to study theology under 
Anselm, but very soon came to despise his teacher, whom 
he denounced as a phrase-monger. ' Anselm kindled a fire,' 
he said, ' not to give light but to fill the house with smoke.' 
He forsook the pretender's school, and at once proceeded to 
prove the audacious thesis that a man could learn theology 
without a master. He was soon back at Paris, where his 
teaching attracted greater crowds than ever, until the tragic 
conclusion of his relations with Heloisa drove him to take 
the monastic vows at Saint-Denis. Even in the cloister he 
was restless and insubordinate. He published a treatise on 
the Trinity, which was denounced by the aged Roscelin as 
savouring of Sabellianism, and burnt at a Council at Soissons 
in 1 1 21. He left Saint- Denis after rousing the fury of his 
fellow-monks by demonstrating the unhistorical character of 
the accredited legend of St. Dionysius the Areopagite, their 
imaginary founder. After some years spent in his new 
monastery of the Paraclete in Champagne, Abelard sought 
absolute retirement as abbot of St. Gildas de Rhuys, in the 
Abelard and wildest part of his native Brittany. But he fled at 
St Bernard, last from the savage monks of St. Gildas, and again 
appeared as a teacher in Paris. As the incarnation of the 
new critical spirit, he had long been obnoxious to the stout 
upholders of ecclesiastical tradition like Norbert and Bernard. 

The Twelfth Century Renascence 213 

Bernard now denounced him, and induced the bishops, who 
registered his will, to assemble in council at Sens to condemn 
his heresies (1141). Despairing of justice from such a body, 
Abelard appealed to the Pope. But Innocent 11. was as much 
under Bernard's influence as the French bishops, and con- 
demned him to lifelong confinement in a monastery. Abelard 
fell sick at Cluny while on his way to Rome, and obtained 
from Peter the Venerable a sympathy and kindness that stood 
in strong contrast to Bernard's inveterate hostility. He was 
received into the Cluniac fold, and made some sort of recanta- 
tion of his heresies. In 1 142 he died at Chalon. The spirit of 
his teaching did not die with him. The schools The Schools 
of Paris retained the fame with which he had first of Pa"s. 
invested them. While the Regular Canons of St. Victor made 
their abbey the home of traditional theology tempered by 
mysticism, the secular school of the cathedral retained the 
spirit of inquiry and criticism which secured for it a per- 
manence of influence that not even the patronage of St. 
Bernard could give to the school of St. Victor. If the stigma 
of heresy was attached to some of Abelard's disciples, others 
became lights of orthodoxy without any great departure from 
Abelard's doctrines. Arnold of Brescia, denounced by St. 
Bernard as the armour-bearer of the Goliath of misbelief his 
master, incurred by his rash entrance into politics the fate 
of a heretic who was also a rebel [pages 239-243 and 250]. 
But Peter the Lombard (died 11 60), was not only 
Abelard's pupil, but a pillar of orthodoxy, bishop th'e^ch^^racter 
of Paris, and author of that Book of Sentences of Schoiastic- 
which was the accredited text-book of all later Abei^^r" 
scholasticism. Gilbert de la Porree (died 1 154), a 
disciple of the humanistic school of Chartres, and bishop of 
Poitiers, was denounced by St. Bernard as a heretic. In 
1148 Pope Eugenius, a creature of Bernard's, presided at a 
council at Reims to deal with Gilbert's errors. But the very 
cardinals refused any longer to follow Bernard's leading. 
When Gilbert escaped uncondemned, the new theology had 

2 1 4 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

won its way to a recognised position in the Church. With its 
wider diffusion, the new learning lost the character of revolt 
which in Abelard's time was associated with it. It became 
more systematic, more specialised, less original. The dis- 
covery of the whole of Aristotle's Organon, in the latter part 
of the century, crushed the critical spirit by the weight of 
its authority. The conflict of studies drove out the liberal 
pursuit of literature in favour of specialised dialectic and 
theology, while the majority showed most favour to bread- 
winning studies like the canon and civil laws. The dialectic 
of Paris prevailed over the humanism of Chartres. But if 
some of the first freshness of the new birth was thus lost, the 
end of the century saw the scholar class a recognised element 
in the European commonwealth. So numerous were the 
' masters ' who taught in the Paris schools that they formed 
themselves into guilds or corporations, from which the 
germ of the University of Paris and of all other transalpine 
universities grew. 

Monasticism and philosophy combined to strengthen the 
Church, but the spirit of revolt that had been conquered in 
the schools now took more popular shapes. All through the 
eleventh century there were found wandering teachers of 
strange doctrines. From the beginning of the twelfth century 
Popular definitively heretical sects were crystallising round 
heresies, different principles of innovation. For more than 
twenty years an unfrocked priest, Peter de Bruys, taught with 
Peter de powerful effect in Dauphiny and Provence. He 
Bruys. y^-^g an enthusiast like the old Montanists, reject- 
ing all forms, discipline, and tradition, in favour of the living 
spirit, and denouncing the sacerdotal system and many of 
the most treasured dogmas of the Church. In 1137 or 
1 1 38, Peter was burnt alive at Saint-Gilles by the mob, 
whose fury he had excited by making a bonfire of crosses 
and pious emblems. But his followers kept together after 
his death, under the guidance of Henry, an outcast monk of 
Cluny. Peter the Venerable wrote against the Petrobrusians, 

The Twelfth Century Renascence 2 1 5 

and St. Bernard saw in the popularity of the young sect 
the mah'gn influence of the spirit of Abelard. ' The CathoUc 
faith,' he lamented, * is discussed in the streets and market- 
places. We have fallen upon evil times.' His energy 
secured the conversion of many of the Petrobrusians. The 
remnant joined themselves to the new sect of the Waldenses 
or Vaudois. 

Peter Valdez, a rich merchant of Lyons, gave up all his 
property, and began about 11 77 to wander about the country 
preaching repentance and the imitation of the pgterVaidez 
Apostles. He procured the translation of the Bible and the 
into the vulgar tongue, and soon began to gather ofL°ons^° 
followers. After a few years of toleration he 
was excommunicated in 11 84 by Pope Lucius iii. Thus 
cut off from the orthodox, Peter joined the Petrobrusians and 
became more frankly heretical. Before his death in 1197, 
his followers were to be found in Bohemia, in Lorraine, in 
southern France, in Aragon, and in northern Italy. These 
*Poor Men of Lyons,' as they were called, rejected all priestly 
ministration, and included in one sweeping denunciation prayer 
for the dead, six of the seven sacraments, military service, 
and property. But grave differences soon broke them up 
into hostile sects. The Lombards sought to organise them- 
selves separately from the Church, while the French were 
content to remain a school within the Church. The wise 
policy of later Popes allowed the more moderate to combine 
their own way of thinking with acceptance of the Church's 
authority, and they remained for the most part humble- 
minded quietists, whose highest aspiration was to live in 

Other sects assumed a more dangerous complexion than the 
Poor Men of Lyons. From the eleventh century onwards, 
obscure bodies of heretics appear under the names of 
Manicheans, Paulicians, Cathari, Bulgarians, Patarini, and 
Publicani. Their strength was at first in the Rhineland, 
whence they infected the north of France. Finally they 

2 1 6 European History, 918-1273 

found a more sympathetic field in southern France, where 
heresy had long flourished in various forms. The origin 
The Mani- of thcsc sects is obscure. The ancient opinion 
chean sect, {jj^j ^j^gy yygj-g direct descendants of the 
ancient Gnostics and Manichees cannot be upheld, and it is 
difficult even to prove their affiliation with the Paulicians and 
Bogomili of the Balkan peninsula, whose heresy had troubled 
the Eastern Empire in the days of the Macedonian and 
Comnenian dynasties. Their doctrines are as hard to define 
as their origin, and we have for the most part to rely upon 
the statements of their enemies. But it is clear that they 
represent neither a definite sect nor an organised body of 
heretical doctrine. Like the early Gnostics, they indicate a 
vague general tendency rather than any precise teaching, and 
differed widely among each other. The more thorough- 
going of them were dualists like the Manichees, believing that 
there existed two equal and co-eternal deities, the one evil 
and the other good. The rest seem to have held the modified 
dualism of the Bogomili, admitting the good principle to be 
the only God, and the author of the New Testament, and 
regarding the evil principle as a fallen spirit, the creator of the 
world, the source of the Old Testament revelation, essentially 
the Demiurgus of the Gnostics. The practical teaching of 
these heretics was as various as their doctrine. They utterly 
despised all things of the flesh, and from this contempt 
flowed moral doctrines both ascetic and antinomian. They 
distinguished sharply between the elect and the reprobate. 
They rejected the authority both of the Church and of the 
State. Instead of the ordinary offices of the Church, they had 
a sort of spiritual baptism called Consolamentum, which was 
reserved to the perfect believers. Apart from their religious 
heresies, they were frankly hostile to the whole order of society. 
The south of France soon swarmed with these innovators. 
The who took the name of Albigenses, Albigeois, from 

Aibjgensei. Q^g qj- jjjgj^ strongholds, the town of Albi on the 
Tarn, Besides the avowed heresies, a general spirit of revolt 

The Twelfth Century Renascence 217 

against the Church seized alike upon lords and people. Before 
the end of the century, the Albigenses had obtained a firm hold 
over the county of Toulouse and its dependencies, and defied 
the efforts of the Church to root them out. Elsewhere the 
speculations of the twelfth century had no very prolonged 
vitality. A few burnings of leaders, a crusade of energetic 
preaching, and a dexterous effort to turn the undisciplined zeal 
of the heretic into more orthodox channels, were generally 
enough to prevent their further progress. The offspring of 
vague discontent, twelfth century heresy took as a rule such 
vague and fantastic shapes that it almost condemned itself. 
After all, the spirit of Henry of Cluny or Peter Valdez was 
not very different from that of Norbert or Robert of Arbrissel. 
But however ill-regulated, it was another sign that the human 
mind had awakened from the sleep of the Dark Ages. If 
the popular heretics could not reason, they could at least 

We have still to deal with one of the great intellectual 
forces of the twelfth century. The revival of the scientific 
study of law, which grew up alongside the new -j-he revival 
birth of dialectic and philosophy, had almost as of the study 
powerful an influence as these studies in stimu- ° ^^' 
lating intellectual interests, and had practical results of an even 
more direct and palpable kind. The study of Roman Law had 
never been quite forgotten, especially in Italy. The revival 
of the Roman Empire by the Ottos, the development of the 
power of the secular state all over Europe, the growth of 
ordered municipal government in southern Europe, and 
particularly in Italy, all contributed to make this study more 
popular, more necessary, and more universal. But side by 
side with the development of the civil power the even greater 
growth of the ecclesiastical authority set up a law of the 
Church in rivalry with the law of the State. The legal revival 
was thus two-sided. There was a fresh interest in both the 
Civil Law, which Rome had handed down, and in the Canon 
Law, which had slowly grown up in the ecclesiastical courts, 

2i8 European History, 918-1273 

The same age that witnessed the work of Irnerius saw the 
publication of the Decretum of Gratian. 

The early Middle Ages had an almost superstitious reverence 
for the written law of Rome. Its decisions were still looked 
Irnerius and "P^"^ ^^ eternal and universally binding, even when 
the revival of practically it had been superseded by a mass of 
Civil Lavi^. fluctuating feudal custom. In Italy the elemen- 
tary texts of the Roman Law had always been studied, and 
its principles always upheld in the courts. The eleventh 
century battle of Papacy and Empire became before long 
a conflict of political principles and theories. Both sides 
sought weapons in the legal treasures of ancient Rome. 
Accordingly the eleventh century saw flourishing schools of 
law at Pavia, at Ravenna, and perhaps at Rome. Early in 
the twelfth century the fame of Irnerius led to the establish- 
ment of a still greater school of law at Bologna, already 
the seat of flourishing schools of dialectic and literature, and 
where the teaching of law had already been begun by Pepo. 
Irnerius was a jurist in the service of the Countess Matilda, 
who, at her request, lectured on the laws of Justinian, and 
particularly the Pandects, at Bologna. The fact that he was 
afterwards in the service of Henry v. shows that both the 
papal and imperial powers agreed in welcoming his work. 
But with the appearance of Irnerius upholding the election of 
a schismatic Pope in 11 18, the new school of Civil Lawyers 
became frankly imperialist, looking upon the law as 
furnishing an armoury of texts, from which the divine rights 
and universal claims of the Roman Emperor could be 
deduced, though also treating it as an intellectual discipline, 
and almost as a literary exercise. Wealth, honour, and 
political importance were showered on men, who possessed 
at once the key to theoretical knowledge and to success in 
practical life. Even earlier than at Paris, the law schools 
of Bologna became organised and permanent Before the 
end of the century, the crowds of mature foreign students 
who flocked to hear the famous successors of Irnerius had 

The Twelfth Century Renascence 219 

set up the student-university of Bologna, whose establishment 
is as much of an epoch in the history of European thought 
as that of the university of masters at Paris. 

The Church had long had its own courts and its own 
law ; but the victory of the Hildebrandine system gave a new 
importance to the Courts Christian and to the The 'Deere- 
Canon Law which they upheld. It was the aim tum* of 
of the Church reformers to draw a hard and fast ihcg^ovnh 
line between Church and State, and to bind of Canon 
together the scattered and often antagonistic ^^' 
corporations, out of which the Church was constituted, 
into a single self-governing, self-sufficing, independent body, 
of which the Pope was the absolute monarch. All through 
the eleventh century efforts were made by leading ecclesi- 
astical lawyers to do for the law of the Church what was 
already being done for the law of the State. Italy witnessed 
most of these attempts, but the canonists of Germany and 
Gaul were not behindhand, and the most famous of the early 
compilations, which appeared in 1 1 15, was the work of a north- 
French churchman, Ivo, Bishop of Chartres, a pupil of Lanfranc 
of Bee. But these preliminary efforts were superseded by 
the Decrefum, or more accurately the Concordantia discordan- 
tium Canonum, of Gratian, which probably appeared in 1142. 
Gratian was a monk of the new order of Camaldoli, living in a 
convent at Bologna. The book which he published was a 
text-book, the effort of a private student, with no other 
authority than what it could command from its own merits. 
But its merits were such that it swept all its predecessors 
out of the field, and soon won something of the authority 
that belonged to a definite codification of previous ecclesi- 
astical jurisprudence. It appeared at the right place and 
at the right moment. From that time onwards the study 
of Canon Law stood side by side with that of the Civil Law 
at Bologna, and the town of Irnerius and Gratian became 
the intellectual centre of the great controversies of Church and 
State, which then distracted Europe. Before long the Canon 

2 20 European History, 918-1273 

Law became as elaborate and comprehensive a system as that 
Civil Law, which it copied, developed and sometimes reacted 
against. The canonists became a band of specialists, separated 
from the civilians on the one hand and the theologians on the 
other. Just as the practical advantages of the study of Civil 
Law called away the votaries of the unprofitable secular study 
of literature, so did the practical uses of Canon Law divert 
active and ambitious churchmen from the academic study 
of theology. Law became the attractive science as well for 
ardent ecclesiastics as for men of the world. If it involved 
less speculative activity than the studies it superseded, it had 
the advantage of helping to bridge over the gulf between 
the little world of isolated students and the broad world of 
everyday life. As the revival of dialectic renewed men's 
interests in abstract science, so did the revival of law 
broaden men's practical interests. If in the long-run it 
gave weapons to Empire as well as to Papacy, the first result 
was to complete the equipment of the hierarchy for the 
business of ruling the world. While the civilian's Empire 
was a theory, the canonist's Papacy was a fact. As living 
head of a living system, the Pope became a constant fountain 
of new legislation for the Canon Law, while the Civil Law 
remained as it had been in Justinian's time, with little 
power of adaptation to the needs of a changing state of society. 
Stimulated by the religious revival and the mon- 

The new . . 

movements astic movement, victorious over nascent heresy, 
strengthen ygj invigorated by the new activity of human 

the Church. ■', , ° , , , ,.,-,,, 

thought, protected by the enthusiasm which had 
brought about the Crusades, a state within the state, with her 
own law, her own officers, and her own wonderful organisation, 
the Church of the twelfth century stood at the very height of 
her power, and drew fresh strength, even from the sources that 
might well have brought about her ruin. 


GERMANY AND ITALY, 1125-1152^ 

Origin of the Hohenstaufen — Election of Lothair 11. and consequent rivalry of 
Welf and Weiblingen — The reign of the Priests' Emperor — Norbert and 
Albert the Bear — Lothair and Italy — Roger unites Sicily and Naples — 
Honorius 11. — Schism of Innocent 11. and Anacletus — Lothair's privilege 
to the Church — Election of Conrad in. — His contest with the Guelfs — 
The Eastward march of German civilisation — Final triumph of Innocent 
II. — Roger's organisation of the Norman kingdom — Growth of municipal 
autonomy in northern and central Italy. 

Two thousand feet above the sea, on the very summit of one 
of the northern outliers of the rugged Swabian Alp that 
separates the valley of the upper Neckar from q^^ inofth 
that of the upper Danube, stood the castle of Hohen- 
Hohenstaufen, that gave its name to the most ^**"'^="- 
gifted house that ever ruled over the mediaeval Empire. The 
hereditary land of the family lay around, and a few miles east, 
nearer the Neckar valley, lies the village of Weiblingen from 
which came the even more famous name of Ghibelline. The 
lords of this upland region were true Swabian magnates, who 
were gradually brought into greatness by their energy and zeal 
in supporting the Empire. In the darkest days of his struggle 
with the Church, Henry iv. had no more active or loyal partisan 
than Frederick of Buren or Hohenstaufen, whom he married 
to his daughter Agnes, and upon whom he conferred the 
duchy of Swabia. It was after the ancient fashion that the 

1 To the books enumerated in chapter i. may now be added, Busk's 
discursive but detailed Mediceval Popes, Kings, Emperors and Crusaders, 
from 112$ to 1268. Bernhardi's Lotharvon Supplinburg a.nd Konrad III. 
deal specially with the two reigns covered in this chapter- 

222 European History ^ 918-1273 

new Duke of Swabia should find his chief enemy in the Duke 
of Bavaria. But besides many a bitter feud with the papaUst 
house of Welf or Guelf, Frederick had to deal with no less 
formidable enemies within his own duchy. The same dis- 
integrating influences that were affecting all Germany were 
at work in Swabia. Berthold of Zahringen, a mighty man 
in the upper Rhineland, sought to attain the Swabian duchy 
by zealous championship of the papal cause. After long 
fighting with the Staufer, the lord of Zahringen was able to 
effect a practical division of the duchy. In 1097 he was 
allowed all ducal rights in those Swabian lands between 
Rhine and Alps, which in a later age became the centre of 
the Swiss confederation. He did not lose even the title of 
duke, so that with the Dukes of Zahringen as effective rulers 
of Upper Swabia, the Hohenstaufen influence was limited to 
the north. The first Hohenstaufen Duke of Swabia had, 
by the Emperor's daughter, two sons, whose names were 
Frederick Frederick and Conrad. These nephews of 
and Conrad. Henry V. were always marked out by their uncle 
as his successors. They inherited as a matter of course the 
private possessions of the Salian house. They had already 
given proof that they were worthy of a high destiny. 
Frederick, the elder, succeeded to his father's duchy of Lower 
Swabia, He was now thirty-five years old, strong, courageous, 
ambitious, and well conducted. He had further strengthened 
his position by marrying Judith, daughter of Henry the Black, 
the Guelfic Duke of Bavaria (died 11 26), a match which 
seemed likely to bridge over the natural antagonism of the 
two great southern 'nations* of Germany. Conrad, the 
younger brother, had obtained from his uncle the duchy of 
Franconia. All south Germany might well seem united in 
support of Frederick's succession to the Empire. But the 
hierarchical party feared lest the traditional attitude of the 
Staufer might imperil the triumph of the Church. The 
feudal nobles were alarmed lest too vigorous a ruler might 
limit their independence. The Saxons as ever were opposed 

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 223 

to a southern Emperor, likely to renew the Salian attack upon 
their national liberties. 

Saxony was still almost as vividly contrasted to the rest of 
Germany as in the days when it gave Henry the Fowler and 
Otto the Great to save the kingdom, that the last 
degenerate Frankish rulers had brought to the Duchy and 
verge of ruin. Despite many defeats and constant Lothair of 

1 . r 1 11-1 Supplinburg. 

attacks, it was as free, restless, strong and warlike 
as ever. In the later years of Henry v.'s reign a new and 
vigorous duke had restored and reorganised its fighting power. 
Lothair of Supplinburg was the son of that Count Gerhard who 
had fallen in battle against Henry iv. on the banks of the 
Unstrut. By his marriage with Richenza, niece of Egbert of 
Meissen, and grand-daughter of Otto of Nordheim, he had 
acquired the Saxon duchy, which under his hands had lost 
nothing of its ancient character. While the Dukes of Swabia 
had yielded the jurisdiction of the south to the Dukes of 
Zahringen, while Franconia was hopelessly split between rival 
houses, Lorraine divided between upper and lower Lorraine, 
and the Margraves of the East Mark, who had already the 
power and were soon to have the title of Dukes of Austria, had 
cut deep into the integrity of the Bavarian duchy, while in all 
the duchies alike a swarm of counts and barons had absorbed 
most of the effective attributes of sovereignty. Saxony alone 
maintained its unity and independence. Whatever the 
encroachments of the feudal principle, the Saxon duke still 
headed and represented a nation proudly conscious of its great- 
ness and fiercely resentful of all southern influence. Lothair 
had grown old in long and doubtful struggles against Henry v., 
and the Emperor had never ventured to deprive his unruly 
subject of his duchy. The Duke had found his position 
much strengthened, since the setting-up of a Danish arch- 
bishopric at Lund in 1104 had barred the prospects of the 
Archbishop of Bremen obtaining that northern patriarcliate 
that Adalbert had of old desired, and had in consequence de- 
stroyed the importance of the chief ecclesiastical makeweight 

224 European History, 918-1273 

to his authority. He was no servile friend of the hierarchy, 
but, after the Saxon fashion, he wished well to the Church, 
as the best check upon the power of the imperialistic south. 
Long experience had made him cautious, moderate, and 
politic. He was the strongest noble in Germany. 

In August 1 1 25 the German magnates met together 
at Mainz to chose their new kmg. The antagonism of 
Election of '"^^ nations was so fierce that, while Saxons and 
Lothairii., Bavariaus encamped on the right bank of the 
*"^* Rhine, Swabians and Franks took up their quarters 

on the opposite side of the stream. A committee of forty 
princes, ten chosen from each of the four nations, was set up 
to conduct the preliminary negotiations, and if possible, to 
agree upon a candidate. Frederick of Swabia, Lothair or 
Saxony, and Leopold of Austria were all proposed as can- 
didates. The craft of Adalbert of Mainz, as ever the foe 
of Henry v, and his house, prevented the election of the 
Staufer, by representing to the princes that P'rederick's choice 
would be interpreted as a recognition of an hereditary claim. 
For the first time since the election of Conrad 11., the magnates 
had a free hand, and they could not resist the temptation 
to use it. Adalbert isolated Frederick by breaking up his new 
alliance with the Guelfs. Conrad of Franconia was away on 
Crusade. The alliance of Saxons and Bavarians, backed up 
by the skill of Adalbert, the zeal of the Papalists and the 
enthusiasm of the Rhineland, led to the election of Lothair. 

Lothair 11. reigned from 11 25 to 1138. He was already 
sixty years old, at his accession, but he ruled with energy and 
reien of vigour. By marrying his only daughter, Gertrude, 
Lothairii., to Hcnry the Proud, son of Duke Henr>' the 
II25I138- Black, he united his fortunes with those of the 
house of Guelf, and prepared the way for that union of Saxony 
The Hohen- ^"^ Bavaria which had long been the Guelfs' 
staufen dream. In these days the struggle of the rival 

•ubdued. families of Welf and Weiblingen, of Guelf and 
Chibelline, first brought out the famous antagonism that in 

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 225 

later times was extended over the Alps, and grew from a strife 
of hostile houses to a warfare of contending principles, and 
finally degenerated into the most meaningless faction fight that 
history has ever witnessed, 

Lothair deprived Frederick of Swabia of part of the Salian 
lands inherited from Henry v. This was the signal of war 
between Swabian and Saxon, Weiblingen and Welf. In 11 27 
Conrad, the younger Hohenstaufen brother, was set up as 
anti-king, and in 11 28 crossed the Alps in quest of the 
imperial crown and the heritage of the Countess Matilda. 
Milan welcomed him, and crowned him with the Iron Crown. 
But the Pope, Honorius 11., excommunicated him, and he 
could make no way south of the Apennines. Meanwhile 
King Lothair and his son-in-law, Henry the Proud, took pos- 
session of the Rhenish towns that were the Hohenstaufen 
strongholds, and devastated Swabia with fire and sword. In 
1 134 Frederick gave up the contest, and next year Conrad 
also made his submission. Lothair showed politic magna- 
nimity apd left them their hereditary possessions. 

In a Diet at Bamberg in 1135 Lothair proclaimed a 
general peace for Germany. To Saxons and churchmen his 
reign was a golden age. ' It is with right,' wrote a Lothair and 
contemporary annalist, 'that we call Lothair the German 
father of his country, for he upheld it strenuously ^*^'''^*t'0'>- 
and was always ready to risk his life for justice's sake.' 'He 
left behind him,' said another, ' such a memory that he will 
be blessed until the end of time : for in his days the Church 
rejoiced in peace, the service of God increased, and there 
was plenty in all things.' He has been accused of sacrificing 
the greatness of the Empire for the sake of immediate 
advantages. But there is little evidence that he was ever 
false to the Concordat of Worms, and it is hard to condemn 
a prince who, by accepting the ideas of the rights of the 
Church that found favour at the time, was able to put down 
domestic strife, and allow his people to advance in civilisa- 
tion and poVcr. 

PERIOD 11. p 

226 European History, 918-1273 

As the true heir of the Ottos, Lothair occupied himself with 
extending German political supremacy and culture into Scandi- 
The Slavs navian and Slavonic lands. His earlier efforts 
and the against the Bohemians were not successful, but 

even before peace was restored in Germany, he 
forced King Niel of Denmark and his son Magnus to do 
homage and pay tribute. He turned his arms against the 
neighbouring Slavs, and brought back to his obedience the 
chiefs of the Wagrians and the Abotrites. Duke Boleslav 
of Poland recognised him as his lord, and agreed to hold 
Pomerania and Riigen as fiefs of the Empire. Duke Sobeslav 
of Bohemia and King Bela 11. of Hungary referred their dis- 
putes to his arbitration. At his court were seen the envoys of 
the Eastern Emperor and of the Venetians. Everywhere his 
influence was recognised. 

Lothair busied himself greatly with the revival of religion in 
his rude Saxon duchy, and with the extension of Christianity 
Norbertand ^"^ German political influence amidst the 
Albert the heathens and haJf-heathens beyond the hmits of 
®**'" his Empire. Side by side with the soldiers of 

Albert the Bear, Margrave of the North Mark, went the 
Christian missionaries and revivalists. At the bidding of the 
Emperor, Norbert left Pr^montr^, and became Archbishop of 
Magdeburg, and founded there a new house that became the 
second great centre of Premonstratensian ideas. Through 
his influence secular canons were removed from most of 
the cathedrals of eastern Saxony and the Marches, and 
replaced by Premonstratensians. Norbert wished to make 
Magdeburg the centre of missions to the East and a patriarchate 
over Polish and Wendish Christianity. New bishoprics were 
founded in Poland and half-heathen Pomerania, and the 
Polish Archbishop of Gnesen lost for a time his metropolitical 
power. For a time the ideas of Adalbert of Bremen were 
again in the ascendant, and the Pope restored the rights of 
Bremen over Lund and the churches of Scandinavia, From 
Bremen Vicelin brought Christianity to the conquered Wagrians 

Germany and Italy, 1 125-1 152 227 

and Abotrites. The fortress of Siegburg, built by Lothair on 
the Trave, both assured his supremacy and protected the 
famous monastery that grew up at its walls. 

The alliance between Lothair and the Papacy did not in- 
volve the abdication of any imperial rights in Italy, but the 
pressure of German affairs put Italy somewhat in Lothair and 
the background. A great series of changes was ^**'y- 
now being brought about in Italy. In the north and centre 
the communal revolution was, as we shall soon see, in full pro- 
gress. In the south the Norman power was being consolidated, 
while a fresh schism soon distracted the Papacy. 

Since the conquest of Sicily from the Mohammedans by 
Roger, the youngest brother of Robert Guiscard, the chief 
Norman lordship of southern Italy had been 
divided between the two branches of the house of siciiy and 
Tancred. Roger ruled Sicily as its count until ApuUaby 
his death in iioi, when he was succeeded by ' 

his son and namesake, Roger 11., a child of four. Mean- 
while the stock of Robert Guiscard bore rule in Calabria 
and Apulia. Roger, son of Robert, was Duke of Apulia 
from his father's death in 1085 to his own decease in ini. 
His son and successor, William, was a weakling, and upon 
his death without issue in 1127, the direct line of Robert 
became extinct. Roger of Sicily had now long attained 
man's estate, and had shown his ability and energy in the 
administration of his county. After his cousin's death, he at 
once got himself accepted as Duke of Apulia and Calabria 
by the mass of the Norman barons, and then directed his 
resources towards conquering the states of southern Italy 
that were still outside the power of his house. With 
the subjugation of the rival Norman principality of Capua, 
and of the republics of Amalfi and Naples, the unity of 
the later kingdom of Naples and Sicily was substantially 

Since 11 24 A^ambert, Bishop of Ostia, the Bolognese lawyer 
who had ended the Investiture Contest, had held the papal 

228 European History, 918-1273 

throne, with the title of Honorius 11., but he failed to show the 
decision of character necessary to dominate the unruly local 
Honorius II., factions of Rome, or to resist the usurpations of 
iia4-ti3a {^g Count of Sicily. The union of Apulia and 
Sicily threatened the Italian balance, but Honorius strove in 
vain to form a league of Italian princes against Roger. In 
II 28 he was forced to accept Roger as lord of Apulia. The 
Norman soon scorned the titles of count and duke, which had 
contented his predecessors, and soon had an opportunity of 
gratifying his ambition to become a king. 

On the death of Honorius 11., the cardinals with due obser- 
vance of all proper forms, chose as their Pope Peter Pier- 
leone, a former monk of Cluny, who took the 

Schism of r » i t^ i • i ^ . < 

Innocent II. name of Anacletus 11. But nothmg could be less 
and Anacie- Quniac than this Cluniac Pope, the son of a Jewish 
banker who had turned Christian, and made a 
great fortune at Rome during the Investiture Contest. The 
house of Pierleone had taken a considerable place aipong 
the great families of Rome, and one of the worst troubles of 
Honorius 11. had been its violent opposition to his rule. 
Peter had shamelessly used his father's money to buy over the 
majority, and the worst and best motives led to the question- 
ing of his election. The houses of Corsi and Frangipani, 
who had had the ear of the last Pope, were dismayed at 
the triumph of the head of the rival faction. The strong 
hierarchical party had no faith in the Jewish usurer's son. 
Accordingly, five cardinals offered the Papacy to Gregory, 
Cardinal-deacon of St. Angelo, who took the name of Innocent 
II., and was at once hailed as the candidate of the stronger 
churchmen. But in Rome he found himself powerless. He 
fled to Pisa, and thence to Genoa, Provence, Burgundy, and 
France. Anacletus meanwhile reigned in Rome and Italy, 
where, by granting the title of king to Roger of Sicily, he 
secured the support of the Normans. 

Anacletus and Innocent both appealed to Lothair. But the 
real decision of their claims rested with Bernard of Clairvaux. 

Germany and Italy ^ I125-1152 2 29 

Bernard had no faith in the splendour and pride of Cluny, 
and showed little respect for the forms of a papal election. 
He quickly perceived that the interests of the hierarchy were 
involved in recognising Innocent, and with characteristic 
enthusiasm declared for his cause, and soon won over France 
and its king. Like Urban 11., Innocent 11. traversed France, 
crowned Louis vii. at Reims, and presided over a synod at 
Clermont. England, Castile, Aragon followed France in 
recognising him. Norbert accepted eagerly the guidance of 
St. Bernard, and prevailed upon Lothair to recognise Innocent. 
Italy alone resisted, and Lothair crossed the Alps to win 
Italy for Innocent, and receive from him the imperial crown. 
Germany took little interest in his expedition, and Lothair in 
the scanty band that followed him was almost i**'y- 
exclusively Saxon. Innocent availed himself of his coming 
to return to Italy, and enter into the possession of the long- 
contested inheritance of the Countess Matilda. In April 
1 1 33, Lothair and Innocent entered Rome. But Anacletus 
held the Leonine city and the castle of St. Angelo, and 
Innocent could only get possession of the Lateran, where 
he crowned the Emperor on 4th Tune. Four . 

J 1 T ■ 1 T 1 ,- • • His corona- 

days later Innocent 11. issued a diploma of pnvi- tion and 

lege to Lothair, in which the Pope, ' not wishing '^^"^ °^ 

,...,, . , . ,. 1 -r-. privileges 

to diminish but increase the majesty of the Em- to the 
pire, granted the Emperor all his due and canonical church, 
rights, and forbade the prelates of Germany laying 
hands on the temporalities [regalia] of their offices, except 
from the Emperor's grant.' An agreement was also arrived at 
with regard to the inheritance of the Countess Matilda. 
Lothair consented to receive Matilda's fiefs from the Pope, 
and to pay tribute for them. At his death they were to go to 
Henry of Bavaria, hisk son-in-law. By thus appearing before 
the world as receiving from the Pope rights which he could 
well claim as his own, Lothair secured for his family estates 
that might otherwise have gone to the Hohenstaufen. But 
the Papalists were much exalted at the submission of the 

230 European History^ 918-1273 

Emperor. A German chronicler tells how Innocent caused a 
picture to be painted, in which the Pope was represented 
sitting on a throne, and the Emperor humbly receiving the 
crown from his hands. Two insolent verses inscribed beneath 
it told how the king had come to the gates of Rome, and 
had sworn to protect the privileges of the city, and how he 
became the man of the Pope who gave him the crown.^ 

Innocent had still much trouble with the Antipope, and 
his chief supporter, Roger of Sicily. He soon withdrew from 

Rome to Pisa, where, in 1134, he held a synod, 
the Normans vvhich Bernard left Clairvaux to attend. But not 
of Sicily, even the animating presence of the saint could 

make Anacletus and Roger submit. Innocent 
was forced to continue at Pisa until, in 1136, Lothair crossed 
the Alps a second time to help him. On this occasion the 
Emperor came with an army, and St. Bernard's fervid denun- 
ciations of the Norman tyrant, who alone upheld to any pur- 
pose the schismatic cause, gave the expedition the character of 
a crusade. Lothair performed exploits, said Otto of Freising, 
in Calabria and Apulia such as no Prankish king had done 
since the days of Charles the Great. He captured some of the 
chief Norman towns, such as Bari and Salerno, while the fleets 
of Pisa made precarious the communication between Calabria 
and Sicily. Roger, after striving in vain to bribe the Emperor 
into retreat, did not scruple to arm his Saracens against the 
two lords of the Christian world. He retreated into the 
mountains of Calabria, while the Pope and Emperor united 
in deposing him and conferring Apulia on Reginald, a pro- 
minent Norman baron of that region. But at the moment of 
victory Innocent and Ix)thair quarrelled. Both claimed to be 
the suzerains of Apulia, and both claimed the sole right of 
investing the new duke with his office. After a hot dispute, 

* ' Rex venit ante fores, jurans prius Urbis honores. 
Post homo fit papse, sumit quo dantc coronam.' 
Ann. Colon. Max. s.a. 1133, in Pertz, Mon. Hist. Germ. SS. vol. xvii. ; 
Ragewiiius, Gtsta Fred. Imp. ib. xx. 422. 

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 231 

they agreed to hand over jointly to Keginald the banner, 
which was the symbol of his dignity ; but before long Lothair 
hurried home, disgusted with his Papal ally, and leaving 
Anacletus again in possession of Rome. The fatigues of war 
and travel told upon him, and he died at a Tyrolese village on 
4th December 1137, saved only by death from entering upon 
the footsteps of the Salian enemies of the Church. 

Henry the Proud, Duke of Bavaria, aspired to succeed his 
father-in-law, having, besides large hereditary possessions, 
the duchies of Bavaria and Saxony, while his Election of 
enjoyment of the heritage of Matilda gave Conrad iii., 
him an equally important position in northern "^^' 
Italy and Tuscany. He boasted that his authority stretched 
from the North Sea to the Mediterranean. But the arro- 
gance which gave him his nickname deprived him of 
personal popularity, and his extraordinary resources made 
his accession disliked by all who feared a strong monarchy, 
while the Church party, that had procured the election of 
Lothair, was now alienated from him. The result of all 
this was that the same circumstances that had led to 
Lothair's being made king in 11 25, resulted, in 1138, in the 
rejection of his son-in-law. Adalbero, Archbishop of Trier, a 
creature of Innocent 11., played, in the vacancy of both Mainz 
and Cologne, the part which Adalbert of Mainz had so cleverly 
filled on the previous occasion. He summoned the electoral 
diet to meet in his own town of Coblenz. Though Saxony and 
Bavaria sent no representatives, the magnates of Swabia and 
Franconia gathered together at the appointed spot. Frederick, 
Duke of Swabia, was no longer a candidate, but, on 7th 
March, his younger brother, Conrad, the old enemy of Lothair, 
was chosen king. 

The struggle of Welf and Weiblingen soon broke out anew. 
Henry delivered up the imperial insignia, and c^ntegtof 
offered to acknowledge Conrad, if confirmed in Conradwith 
his possessions ; but the new king would not ^^^ °"'' *" 
accept these terms, and before long deprived Henry of both 

232 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

his duchies. The margrave, Albert the Bear, who, Hke Henry 
the Proud, claimed descent from the Billung stock, was made 
Duke of Saxony, and Leopold of Austria, Conrad's half-brother, 
received Bavaria. Civil war inevitably followed. All Saxony 
rallied round the Guelfs, and Albert was driven from his new 
duchy. But in October 11 39, Henry the Proud was carried 
oflF by a sudden attack of fever, and a child ten years old 
succeeded. With the help of his brother Frederick and the 
faithful Rhineland, Conrad invaded Saxony in 1140, and won 
a victory at Weinsberg that secured him his throne, but did 
not ensure the reduction of the Saxons. Next year the death 
of the Austrian Duke of Bavaria made compromise more easy. 
In February 1142 a treaty was signed at Frankfurt, by which 
the Saxons recognised Conrad as king, and Conrad admitted 
the young Henry the Guelf to the duchy of Saxony. Before 
long Gertrude, his mother, married Henry, the Count Palatine, 
brother of Leopold of Austria, and another half-brother of 
Conrad, who next year received his brother's duchy of Bavaria. 
Thus the great struggle ended in a compromise, in which, if 
Conrad retained the throne. Saxony and Bavaria still remained 
under the influence of the house of Guelf. 

Conrad was a gallant knight, liberal, attractive, and popular, 
but he had little statecraft, and no idea how best to 
The Second establish his position. The preaching of the 
Crusade, Second Crusade soon called him from the dull and 
^^^' ungrateful work of ruling the Germans to adven- 

tures more attractive to his spirit of knight-errantry. At 
Christmas 11 46 he took the cross from Bernard of Clairvaux 
in the cathedral of Speyer. Next spring he proclaimed a 
general peace, and procured the coronation of his httle son 
Henry as joint king. Between 1147 and 1149 he was away 
from Germany on Crusade. With him went his gifted nephew 
Frederick, who, in 1147, had succeeded on the death of his 
father, the elder Frederick, to the Duchy of Swabia. The 
Crusade was a failure, and the long absence of the monarch 
still further increased the troubles of Germany. 

Germany and Italy, ii2<)- 11^2 233 

The crusading spirit rose so high under Bernard's preaching 
that those who could not follow Conrad to the Holy Land 
organised fresh Crusades against the heathen who, The east- 
despite the work of Norbert and Lothair, still ^f '^ 

'■ ' advance of 

closely fringed the Empire on the east. The the German 
Saxons naturally took a prominent share in this '''"g^om. 
Crusade. But the rivalry of Albert the Bear and Henry 
of Saxony, whom men now began to style Henry the Lion, 
prevented any very immediate results flowing from these 
movements. Yet the definitive conversion of Pomerania, and 
the acquisition by Albert of Brandenburg, were important 
steps forward in the Germanisation of the lands between Elbe 
and Oder. From the victories of Albert the Bear begins the 
history of that Mark of Brandenburg, which in nearly every 
after-age was to take so prominent a part in German history. 
In later years, when the strong rule of Frederick Barbarossa 
kept local feuds within bounds, Albert the Bear and Henry 
the Lion vied with each other as pioneers of German civili- 
sation in the north-east. At the moment it was enough 
.for Henry the Lion to consolidate his power in Saxony. 
When Conrad came back from Syria he found that Count 
Welf, a kinsman of Henry the Lion who had returned early 
from the Crusade, had raised a rebellion. When this was 
suppressed, Henry the Lion again claimed Bavaria and 
prepared for revolt. The young King Henry, in whose name 
the country had been ruled during his father's absence, now 
died prematurely, and on 15th February 1152 Conrad followed 
him to the tomb. 

Never did the affairs of Papacy and Empire run in more 
separate courses than during the reign of Conrad in. While 
Europe as a whole paid unquestioning obedience to the Papal 
power, the last period of the Pontificate of Innocent 11., and 
nearly the whole of the reigns of his immediate successors, 
were occupied in sordid struggles with the Roman nobility, 
with disobedient neighbours, and with rebellious vassals. 
After the retreat of Lothair over the Alps, Innocent 11 

234 Ettropean History ^ 918 1273 

was again left, in 1137, to contend against the Antipope 
and his partisans. His position was, however, stronger 
than it had been, and he was able to maintain himself in 
Rome, despite Anacletus' continued presence in the castle 
of St. Angelo. But the loss of the imperial presence was soon 
far more than balanced by the arrival of a man whose support 
outweighed that of kings and princes. In the spring of 1137 
Bernard crossed the Alps, resolved to make a last desperate 
effort to root out the remnants of the schism that he had 
laboured against for seven years. He reached Rome, and 
instead of falling back on his usual methods of violent and 
indiscriminate denunciation, he prudently had recourse to 
private conferences with the few despairing partisans of the 
schismatic Peter. There is perhaps no more convincing testi- 
mony to Bernard's powers of persuasion than his victory 
over the rude Roman barons and greedy self-seeking priests, 
who upheld the Antipope through family tradition or through 
fear of losing their revenues. He had talked many of them 
over when the opportune death of the Antipope in January 
1 138 precipitated his inevitable triumph. The schismatics* 
chose a new Antipope, who took the name of Victor iv., 
but his policy was to negotiate terms of surrender, not to 
prolong the division. In a few weeks Bernard persuaded 
him to surrender his dignity to Innocent. Bernard at once 
returned to Clairvaux, the crowning work of his life success- 
fully accomplished. 

In April 1139 Innocent 11. consummated his triumph by 
holding a General Council in the Lateran, which was attended 
The Second t>y ^ thousand bishops. This second I^teran 
General CouHcil was reckoned by the Westerns as the 

Council, Tenth General Council. It removed the last 
**39- traces of the schism, and re-enacted more formally 

the canons already drawn up in the Pope's presence at 
the Council of Reims of 1131. It is significant of the 
future that the Council condemned the errors of Arnold of 

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 235 

Innocent thus restored the Papacy to its old position in 
things spiritual, but not even St. Bernard could give him much 
"aelp against Roger of Sicily. After the quarrel of innocent 11 
Pope and Emperor, the Norman king speedily won and Roger of 
back his position in Apulia and Calabria, and even ^''^''y- 
at the very end of the schism his influence had forced Monte 
Casino, the mother of all Western monasticism, to acknowledge 
Anacletus. Spiritual weapons were useless against Roger. 
No sooner, therefore, was the council over than Innocent took 
the field in person against his rebellious vassal. The fate of 
Leo IX. was speedily repeated. The papal army was no match 
against Roger's veterans, and Innocent, shut up in San 
Germano, was forced to yield himself prisoner. Roger showed 
the head of the Church the same respect which Robert had 
shown his predecessor. But the Pope could only win back 
his liberty by confirming to the Norman all the advantages 
which he had formerly wrested from the weakness of Anacletus. 
The treaty of Mignano again restored the old alliance between 
the Papacy and the Italian Normans. Roger did homage to 
Innocent for Sicily, Apulia, and Capua. A great south Italian 
kingdom was thus definitely legalised which, in the varied 
changes of subsequent history, obstinately maintained its unity 
with itself and its separateness from the rest of the peninsula. 

Roger governed the state which he had founded with rare 
ability and energy. He was a true Norman, and many features 
of his character suggest a comparison between Theorganisa- 
him and William the Conqueror. He now showed tion of the 
as much capacity in statecraft as he had previously sicny°under 
shown as a warrior. Fierce, relentless, and unfor- Roger i., 
giving, he ruthlessly crushed the barons that *"^'^^54- 
had profited by the period of struggle to consolidate their 
independence, and built up a well-ordered centralised despot- 
ism, that was able to give examples in the art of government 
to Henry of Anjou. With rare sympathy and skill, he per- 
mitted the motley population of his new kingdom to live their 
old lives under their old laws. The Saracens of Sicily that 

236 European History, 918-1273 

had faithfully supported him in the days of his adversity, 
continued in their former abodes, occupying separate districts 
in the cities, worshipping without hindrance in their mosques, 
and still governed in the petty matters of every-day life by 
their own judges after the laws of Islam. The Byzantine 
Greeks, still numerous in the towns of Calabria, enjoyed 
similar immunities for their schismatic worship, and still 
followed the Roman law. Arabic and Greek were equally 
recognised with Latin as official languages in the public acts, 
and Roger's coins bore Arabic devices. The court of the 
king took a character of Eastern pomp and luxury that 
anticipated the times of Frederick 11. A Greek general led 
Roger's armies, and a Greek churchman, who wrote a book 
against the Roman primacy, shared with Arab physicians, 
geographers, and astronomers the patronage of the Norman 
king. The very monuments of art show the same strange juxta- 
position of the stern romanesque of Neustria with the mosaics 
of the Byzantines, and the brilliant decorations of Arabic 
architects. Roger made Naples and Sicily one of the best- 
governed states in Europe, and with the happy quickness of 
sympathy and readiness to learn and borrow, which was the bes* 
mark of the Norman genius, combined elements the most 
diverse and unpromising into a happy and contented whole. 

Despite his energy at home, Roger pursued an active external 
policy. He remained a faithful but an unruly ally of the Papacy. 
Roger's later Ll^c Robert Guiscard he turned his ambition 
wars. against Constantinople, and Europe saw the strange 

spectacle of Manuel Comnenus allied with Conrad in. in 
withstanding the aggressions. But Roger's most important 
wars were those against the Saracens, whom he pursued 
into Africa. His first and most permanent conquest was 
Malta, which remained until the sixteenth century a part of 
. , the Sicilian realm. The Mohammedan princes of 

Conquest of . . "^ 

North North Africa recognised him as their lord and 

Africa. opened their ports to his merchants. In 1146 his 

admiral conquered Tripoli, and in 1148 Roger himself led a 

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 237 

large expedition to Africa. After the capture of Tunis, the 
whole coast line from Cape Bon to Tripoli was subject to 
the Norman king, who boasted that the African obeyed him 
as well as the Apulian, the Calabrian, and the Sicilian. After 
a long reign, he died in 11 54, with the reputation of one of 
the greatest kings of his time. 

While southern Italy settled down into a well-ordered state, 
a very different process was at work in the north, where the 
feudal nobility had never been strong, and the 

, , / , . » , Growth of 

towns had always been important. As the con- municipal 
test between Papacy and Empire became chronic, autonomy »n 
the general tendency was for the feudal nobility 
to uphold the Empire, and the townsmen the cause of the 
Church. As in the days of the early Church, each Italian 
town of any importance was the seat of a bishop, who became 
the natural leader of the citizens in their struggle against 
the rustic nobility. This tendency was particularly strong in 
Lombardy, where the logic of facts and lavish grants of 
imperial privilege had conferred on the bishops the power of 
the ancient counts, or had subordinated the imperial officers 
under the episcopal authority. In Lombardy therefore the 
municipal revolution broke out, though it soon spread to all 
northern and central Italy. 

The municipal government of Lombardy grew up gradually 
and almost imperceptibly under the shade of the episcopal 
power. The townsfolk became more numerous and more 
wealthy. The inland cities became great seats of manufactur- 
ing industry, important market centres, or, like Bologna and 
Padua, famous for their schools. The towns on or near the sea 
found even greater prosperity through foreign trade. The neces- 
sity of common action in business, no less than juxtaposition 
in common residence behind strong walls, brought together the 
citizens in a common unity of feeling. The very subordinate 
agents of the bishops' power supply the rudiments of a 
common organisation. The eleventh century very commonly 
saw the citizens in revolt against their episcopal protectors. 

238 European History, 918-1273 

Milan, when on the side of its archbishop, had been strong 
enough to enable Aribert to wage war against the Emperor 
himself [see pages 58, 59]. In the next generation Milan and 
its archbishops were generally at war. The quarrel of Pope 
and Emperor made it easy for the dexterous townsmen to 
play the ecclesiastical and the temporal authority against each 
other, and Popes and Emperors alike were prepared to bid 
heavily for its support. Thus the ' regalia,' which the bishops 
had usurped from the counts, passed in some way from them 
to the citizens. By the beginning of the twelfth century the 
great towns of the north had become self-governing munici- 

At the head of the municipal organisation stood the 
consuls, the chief magistrates of the town, varying widely in 
numbers, authority, and method of appointment, but every- 
where the recognised heads of the city state. The consulate, 
which began in Italy towards the end of the twelfth century, 
was in its origin a sworn union of the citizens of a town bent 
upon obtaining for themselves the benefits of local autonomy. 
Private, and often, like the North French Commune, 
rebellious in its early history, the consulate in the end 
obtained the control of the municipal authority. With its 
erection or recognition begins the independent municipal 
organisation of the Italian cities.^ Besides the ruling consuls 
was a council, or credentia, of the 'wise men' of the city, 
acting as a senate. Beyond these governing bodies was 
the communitas, meeting on grave occasions in a common 
parlamentum or conference. The local life of the muni- 
cipalities was intensely active, but there were fierce jealousies 
and perpetual faction fights between the different orders of 
the population. The even more violent local hatred of 

* On the whole subject of the constitution of the Italian towns see 
H^el, Geschichte der Stddteverfassung von Ilalien (1847), Heinemann, 
Zur Entstehung der Stddteverfassung in Ilalien (1896), whose views 
Hegel contests ; or for their more general history, Lanzi, Slon'a del 
communi ilaliani (1881-1884), ^"^ Sismondi's old-fashioned Hiitoire dei 
Ripubliques Italiennes. 

Germany and Italy, i\2yi\t,2 239 

neighbouring cities made common action almost impossible, 
and led to constant bloody wars. But despite these troubles, 
the Lombard cities grew in wealth, trade, numbers, and 

The Tuscan cities followed at a distance the example of 
their northern neighbours. It was their chief concern to 
wrest municipal privileges from the feudal mar- The Tuscan 
quises, who had up to this point ruled town cities, 
and country alike. Even more conspicuously than the inland 
towns, the maritime cities attained wealth and freedom. 
Pisa, Genoa, and Venice obtained, as we have seen, a great 
position in the East from the time of the First Crusade. 
While Venice stood apart, proud of its dependence on the 
Eastern Emperor, the life of the other maritime cities was 
much the same as that of the inland towns, save that it was 
more bustling, tumultuous, and varied. Before the end of 
eleventh century, Pisa and Genoa had driven the Saracens 
out of Corsica and Sardinia, and set up their own authority 
in their stead. 

The free, restless life of the Italian commune offered a 
splendid field for the intellectual revival which we have 
traced in the preceding chapter. Side by side with the 
development of Italian municipalities, went the growth of the 
famous schools of Italy. The Italian scholars were for the 
most part townsmen, laymen, and lawyers. While the students 
north of the Alps became a little cosmopolitan aristocracy of 
talent, living in a world of their own, and scarcely influenced 
by the political life around them, tlie Italian students easily 
became politicians and leaders of men. Abelard led no revolt 
save against the tyranny of authority and teachers of obsolete 
doctrine. His chief Italian disciple became the first educated 
popular leader known to the mediaeval world. With the 
influence of Arnold of Brescia the gulf between the new 
life of action and the new life of speculation was bridged 

Arnold of Brescia was born in the town from which he 

240 European History ^ 918-1273 

took his name. At Paris he became an ardent disciple and 
personal friend of Abelard. Returning to his native city, 
Early life of ^^ became provost of a foundation of Canons 
Arnold of Regular, and a conspicuous influence both in the 
spiritual and poHtical life of the town. He had the 
love of novelty, the restless vanity, the acute sceptical intellect 
of his brilliant teacher. He preached that priests were to live 
on the tithes and free offerings of the faithful, that bishops 
were to renounce their 'regalia,' and monks their lands, 
and the laity only were to rule the state. Under his 
leadership, Brescia, like the other Lombard cities, cast off 
the bishop's rule, but Innocent 11. took up the bishop's 
cause, and, as we have seen, the Lateran Council of 11 39 
deprived Arnold of his benefice and banished him from Italy. 
He again crossed the Alps, stood by the side of Abelard 
at the Council of Sens, and returned to Paris, and taught 
at Abelard's old school on Mont Ste. Genevibve. But his 
doctnne of apostolic poverty was too extreme to please the 
ambitious clerks who thronged the Paris schools, and he was 
pursued by the inveterate malice of Bernard, who persuaded 
Louis VII. to drive the heretic from France. Arnold retired 
to Ziirich, whence he soon wandered, preaching, through the 
valleys of upper Swabia, protected against Bernard's anger by 
the papal legate Cardinal Guido, his old Paris comrade. 
The abbot of Clairvaux was furious with the cardinal. 
' Arnold of Brescia,' he wrote, ' whose speech is honey, whose 
doctrine poison, the man whom Brescia has vomited forth, 
whom Rome abhors, whom France drives to exile, whom 
Germany curses, whom Italy refuses to receive, obtains thy 
support To be his friend is to be the foe of the Pope and 
God.* In 1 145 Arnold returned to Italy with Guido, and 
was reconciled to the Church. With his arrival in Rome 
to work out his penance, the last and greatest period of his 
career begins. 

The end of the Pontificate of Innocent 11. was marked by 
the beginning of a fierce fight between the Pope and the city 

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 24 1 

of Rome. The old Roman spirit of opposition to the Pope 
had been revived by the long struggle of the typically Roman 
Anacletus, and what had been accomplished in ^^^ j^^j 
Milan and Brescia seemed no impossible ideal years of 
for the Romans. In 1143 the Romans, enraged ^""^o""*"- 
at the refusal of Innocent to destroy the rival city of Tivoli, 
set up a Commune, at the head of which was a The Roman 
popular Senate, to exercise the power hitherto in revolution, 
the hands of the noble consuls or the Pope himself. Before 
long they chose as ' Patrician ' Giordano Pierleone, a kinsman 
of Anacletus. Innocent 11. died at the very beginning of the 
struggle. His successor, Celestine 11., reigned j, , ^• 
only from September 1143 to March 1144, and 1143-4, 
was powerless to withstand the Commune. The ^"'^'"^ ^^•> 

. 1144-5, and 

next Pope, Lucius 11., put himself at the head Eugenius in., 
of the nobles, went to war against it, but was ^^45-"54- 
slain while attempting to storm the Capitol (February 1 145). 
This time the timid cardinals went outside their own number, 
and chose Eugenius in., the abbot of the Cistercian convent 
of Tre Fontane in the Campagna, a man whose chief recom- 
mendation was the ostentatious patronage of St. Bernard, and 
who was a simple and timid monk quite unversed in statecraft. 
Immediately after his election Eugenius fled from Rome, and 
after some temporising he crossed the Alps in 1147, leaving 
the Roman republic triumphant. He remained absent till 
1 148, mainly engaged in furthering the work of Bernard. 

Arnold of Brescia now abandoned his spiritual exercises 
and put himself at the head of the Roman revolution. All 
Rome listened spellbound to his eloquence while Arnold of 
he preached against the pride and greed of the Brescia and 
cardinals, and denounced the Pope as no shep- ^°™^- 
herd of souls, but a man of blood and the torturer of the 
Church. His hope was now to free Rome permanently from 
all priestly rule, to reduce the clergy to apostolic poverty, 
and to limit them to their purely spiritual functions. Rome 
was to be a free municipality subject only to the Emperor, 


242 European History, 918-1273 

who was to make the city the centre and source of his power, 
like the great Emperors of old. * We wish,* wrote the 
Romans to Conrad iii., 'to exalt and glorify the Roman 
Empire, of which God has given you the rule. We would 
restore it as it was in the days of Constantine and Justinian. 
We have restored the Senate. We strive with all our might 
that Caesar may enjoy his own. Come over and help us, 
for you will find in Rome all that you wish. Settle yourself 
firmly in the City that is the head of the world, and, freed 
from the fetters of the clergy, rule better than your prede- 
cessors over Germany and Italy.* But Conrad, intent on his 
crusading projects, paid no heed to the Roman summons. 

Bernard saw as keenly as Arnold of Brescia how the 
political influence and wealth of the Church were in danger 
Arnold of ^^ ovcrshadowing its religious work. 'Who will 
Brescia and permit me to sce before I die,' he wrote to 
Eugenius, 'the Church of God so ordered as it 
was in the old days, when the Apostles cast their nets to fish 
for souls and not for gold and silver? ' But he recognised in 
Arnold's policy an attack on the influence of the Church, not 
merely an assault on its worldly possessions and dignities. 
He carried on the war against Arnold with more acerbity than 
ever. Eugenius again passed over into Italy to measure 
swords with the Roman republic. When personal intercourse 
ceased, Bernard sent to the Pope his book De Consider atione, 
in which he warned the Papacy to follow the Apostles and 
not Constantine, and lamented the danger lest the avarice 
of lordship and apostolate should prove fatal to it. It is 
strange how nearly the arch-enemies Arnold of Brescia and 
Bernard approached each other, both in their ideas and in 
their way of life. Both lived like ascetics. Both hated the 
pomp and show of priestly dignity, and wished to keep the 
Church apart from the world. Yet the pupil of Abelard was 
the apostle of the lay spirit ; and the last of the fathers was 
the greatest pillar of that sacerdotal autocracy, whose dangers 
to spiritual life he so fully realised. 

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 243 

Fugenius now accepted the new constitution of the City, 
and was content to act as the spiritual chief of his diocese. 
But even on these conditions a prolonged stay in Rome was 
impossible. In 11 50 the conflict was renewed. But the 
death of King Conrad, two years later, put an end to the 
state of things that had prevailed since the end of the Investi- 
ture Contest. Conscious that under his hands the imperial 
power had suffered some diminution, Conrad on his deathbed 
bade his friends pay no regard to the claims of his infant son, 
but secure the succession to his well-tried nephew Frederick. 
The year after, Bernard of Clairvaux, the wielder of the 
Church's might, followed the king to the tomb. We now enter 
into a new period, when the changed relations of Church and 
State correspond to a mighty development of the economical 
and industrial powers of the people of western Europe. 
The imperial power was to be renewed, and, as in the days of 
the Saxon Emperors, was to save the Papacy from its Roman 
enemies, only to enter again into fierce conflict with it for the 
rule of the world. The quiet period, during which each 
country was free to work out its own development, and 
during which, in the absence of great rulers, the dominating 
influences were those of the leaders and opponents of the new 
religious movement, is succeeded by another period, when the 
chief interest again shifts back to politics. The age of 
Bernard and Abelard is succeeded by the age of Frederick 
Barbarossa and Henry of Anjoa 

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Election and Policy of Frederick I. — Frederick and Adrian IV. — Fall of 
Arnold of Brescia— Frederick's early German Policy — The Burgundian 
Marriage and the Diet of Besanfon — Breach with the Papacy — Frederick's 
Second Italian Journey — Diet of Roncaglia and Destruction of Milan — 
Alexander iii. and the Antipopes — The Lombard League — Battle of 
Legnano — Peace of Constance — Frederick and Germany — Fall of Henry 
the Lion — Division of the Saxon Duchy — Union of Sicily with the 
Empire — The Lateran Coimcil and the last days of Alexander ill. — His 
Successors — Urban in. and Frederick — The Crusade and Death of 
Frederick— His Personality and Character. 

' It is the cardinal principle of the law of the Roman 
Empire,' wrote Otto of Freising, ' that the succession depends 
not upon hereditary right, but on the election Election of 
of the princes.' According to this precept the Frederick i., 
magnates of Germany met in March 1152 at *^^' 
Frankfurt to appoint a successor to Conrad in. Some of the 
barons of Italy attended the assembly. ' There were,' wrote 
Otto, 'two mighty houses in the Roman Empire, one that 
of the Henrys of Weiblingen, the other that of the Welfs of 

* Among the modem authorities for this period may be quoted Prutz's 
K'aiser Friedrich /., Renter's Geschichte Alexanders des Dritten utid der 
Kirche seiner Zeit, and Picker's Forschungen zur Reichs- und Rechts- 
geschichte in Italien. Giesebrccht's great work, unluckily, ends with the 
fall of Henry the Lion. Raumer's Geschichte der Hohenstaiifen is quite 
antiquated. A full account of Frederick's Italian struggle is to be found in 
English in Testa's History of the War of Frederick I. against the Comtnunet 
of Lombardy (1877). Otto of Freising is a first-rate original chronicler. 


246 European History, 918-1273 

Altorf. The one was wont to furnish mighty emperors, the 
other puissant dukes. These families, jealous of each other, 
had been long accustomed to disturb the tranquillity of the 
commonwealth by their feuds, but in the days of Henry v. 
Frederick, the duke, representative of the royal stock, had 
married the daughter of Henry, Duke of the Bavarians, the 
representative of the ducal family. The offspring of this 
union was Duke Frederick, and the princes, regarding not 
only the energy and valour of the young duke, but consider- 
ing that he shared the blood of both houses, and like a 
comer-stone could bind the two together, chose him as their 
king that thus with God's blessing he might end their ancient 

The new king was well worthy of the general confidence 
whicli he inspired. Already thirty years of age, he had 
Frederick's abundantly displayed rare gifts both as a states- 
policy, man and as a general. He had administered his 
duchy of Swabia with energy and success. He had combined 
loyalty to his uncle Conrad with friendship for his cousin 
Henry the Lion, and his mediation had saved Duke Welf vi. 
in the time of his greatest disaster. His exploits on the 
Crusade had spread abroad his fame, and the few survivors 
who had reached home in safety recognised that they owed 
their lives to his courage and policy. He was admired for 
his kingly bearing and fair proportions, for the chivalry and 
generosity of his character, for his independent attitude towards 
the Church, for the subtle policy so rarely combined with the 
simple virtues of the hero of romance. 

I Frederick threw himself, with all the passionate ardour 
<^f his character, into the difficult task of restoring the 
waning glories of the Empire. For the thirty-seven years of 
life that remained to him, he never faltered in his task. To 
him Germany and Italy were but two sections of that Holy 
Roman Empire whose yrights and dignities he strove with all 
his might to uphold. /* During all his reign,' wrote a chroni- 
cler, • nothing was nearer his heart than re-establishing the 

Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 247 

Empire of Rome on its ancient basis.' To him every right 
that had been exercised by Justinian or Constantine, by 
Charlemagne or Otto the Great, was literally his right as 
the lawful successor of these mighty rulers. He has beeiu 
very truly described as an ' imperialist Hildebrand,' and 
Hildebrand himself had not a more lofty consciousness 
of his high purpose and divine mission to establish God's 
kingdom on earth. But he was no dreamer like Otto, ' the 
wonder of the world.' He strove to realise his lofty ideals 
with shrewd practical wisdom and businesslike command of 
details. The great jurists of Bologna, who constantly stood 
round his throne, not only taught him that the Emperor was 
lord of the world, and that the will of the prince had the 
force of law, but illustrated to the most minute detail the 
individual prerogatives of his office. His German subjects 
re-echoed these sentiments, and his uncle. Bishop Otto of 
Freising, taught that to the Emperor belonged the protection 
of the whole world. \\ When bitter experience showed him that 
all his strength and all his faith were of little avail in setting 
up again a polity which the age had outlived, he had per- 
force to distinguish between his position as German King 
and Roman Emperor, and apply one raethod in breaking-down 
the turbulent feudalism of his northern kingdom and another 
in checking the growing spirit of municipal independence in 
the lands beyond the Alps. In Italy his path seemed strewn 
with disasters, and even in Germany he obtained no very 
brilliant success. But if he failed, his was one of the most 
magntficenrfailures in history, a failure which did not prevent 
him from handing on his power almost unimpaired to his son. 
With all his faults, Frederick remains the noblest embodiment 
of mediaeval kingship, the most imposing, the most heroic, 
and the most brilliant of the long line of German princes, 
who strove to realise the impracticable buLglorious politick 
ideal of the Middle AgesT^ 

Frederick from the first directed his attention to Italy, and in 
March 1153 concluded a treaty with the fugitive Eugenius in. 

248 European History, 918-1273 

at Constance. By this he agreed to make no peace with 
Roger of Sicily without the approval of the Curia, and to reduce 
^^ . the rebellious City to obedience to the Pope, in 
ment of return for the promise of the imperial crown and 

Germany, papal support against his enemies, /But Frederick 
was too wise to hurry across the Alps before he was 
assured of the obedience of Germany, where from the moment* 
of his coronation he went on progress, receiving the homage 
of his vassals and seeking to appease ancient feuds. The 
loyalty of Henry the Lion was rewarded by the formal grant 
of the duchy of Bavaria, while Frederick's own duchy of 
Swabia was granted to his cousin Frederick of Rothenburg, 
Berthold of Zahringen, a possible rival for this position, was 
conciliated by his appointment as rector or viceroy in Bur- 
gundy. Henry, Archbishop of Mainz, paid the penalty of his 
solitary opposition to Frederick's election by his deposition 
from his archbishopric on a charge of wasting the lands of his 
see. Even beyond the limits of Germany, the Scandinavian and 
Slavonic princes were taught that there was again an Emperor, 
and the disputed succession to Denmark was settled by 
Frederick's mediation, and the king, Svend, who owed his 
throne to Frederick's action, submitted to become his feudal 
dependant But after two years the outlook in Italy became 
so threatening that Frederick was compelled to leave his 
Frederick' German work half undone and hurry across the 
first Italian Alps with a Small force hastily collected. Accom- 
visit, 1154.55. panied by Henry the Lion, and the Bavarian 
palatine. Otto of Wittelsbach, and only 1800 knights, he 
crossed the Brenner in October 1154 and appeared in the 
plain of Lombardy. He held his Diet at Roncaglia near 
Piacenza, and received the homage of the barons and cities of 
Italy. Milan held sullenly aloof, but small as was Frederick's 
following, the destruction of Tortona (Easter, 1155), an ally of 
Milan, taught the Italians that the Emperor was to be feared. 
After receiving the Lombard crown at Pavia, Frederick 
marched through Tuscany to Rome. / 

Frederick Barharossa and Alexander I FT. 249 

The condition of the Papacy was still critical, though the 
persistence of Eugenius in. had broken the back of the 
Roman opposition, and Arnold of Brescia had already begun 
to lose influence among the fickle Romans. But Eugenius iii. 
had died on 8th July 1153, and his successor, the mild 
Anastasius iv., dwelt continuously in Rome until his death, 
after a reign of less than a year and a half, on 3rd December 
1 1 54. The next Pope, Adrian iv., was the only Englishman 
who ever occupied the throne of St. Peter. The son of a poor 
man, Nicholas Breakspear had adopted the life of a wandering 
scholar, and had worked his way up to the head- Adrian iv., 
ship of the house of Canons Regular of St. Rufus, "54- "59- 
near Valence on the Rhone. His stern rule excited the 
hostility of the canons whose complaints to Eugenius 111. first 
attracted the Pope's notice to him. In 1146 he was made 
cardinal-bishop of Albano, and was soon afterwards sent on 
an important legation to Scandinavia, in the course of which 
he freed the northern churches from their dependency on 
Germany, by setting up the new archbishopric of Trondhjem. 
Soon after his return he was elected to the Papacy. Adrian iv. 
was a man of high character, sound learning, and kindly dis- 
position. He fully felt the responsibility of his great office, 
declaring that ' the Pope's tiara was splendid because it burnt 
like fire.' His pontificate began amidst street-fights in which 
a cardinal was slain ; but Adrian took the strong measure of 
laying Rome under jnterdict, and the inconstant citizens, 
whose gains were^Hecreased by the refusal of pilgrims to visit 
a city under the Pope's ban, made their submission to him 
and drove out Arnold of Brescia, who spent the short re- 
mainder of his life as a wandering fugitive. But William, the 
new King of _Sicily, devastated Campania, and threatened 
to march on Rome. In his despair, Adrian renewed with 
Frederick the Treaty of Constance, and^went out to Nepi to_ 
meet him. The good understanding was almost destroyed 
when Frederick refused to hold the bridle of the Pope's horse 
and assist him to dismount, and the alliance was only renewed 

250 European History, 918-1273 

by Frederick's submission, which was rendered necessary by 

the sullen hostility of the Romans to Frederick and Adrian 

alike. On 1 8th June Adrian crowned Frederick 

Coronation . _, -^ j i -i i i i 

of Frederick, Empcrof m St. Peter s, hastily and almost secretly, 
isthjune for fear of the Romans, who, on hearing of it, 

rushed to arms. Frederick could only hold 
his ground by hard fighting, and soon lack of provisions 
forced him to flee from Rome, taking the Pope with 
him. The fierce heat of the Italian summer had already 
decimated Frederick's little army, and he now resolved to re- 
cross the Alps, leaving Adrian to his fate. The only act of 
Death of powcr that had followed the reconciliation of Pope 
Arnold of and Empcror was the execution of Arnold of 

Brescia, who had been taken prisoneFIrTTuscafty 
by the Emperor, and having been handed over to the car- 
dinals, was condemned and executed as a heretic. His 
dead body was burnt at the stake. * His ashes,' says Otto 
of Freising, 'were thrown into the Tiber, that his relics 
might not be worshipped by the obstinate populace.* Arnold's 
work, the Roman Commune, lived after him, and Adrian, 
after the Emperor's departure, was forced to make terms 
with it. 

On recrossing the Brenner, Frederick began anew the task 
of reconciling Germany, which had been interrupted by his 
Troubles Italian journey. Fierce feuds had burst out all over 
in Germany. Germany, and in particular the quarrels of Arnold, 
the new Archbishop of Mainz, with Hermann, Count Palatine 
of the Rhine, had laid waste the Rhineland. The establish- 
ment of Henry the Lion as Duke of Bavaria had been bitterly 
resented by Frederick's uncle, Henry of Austria, called, from 
his favourite oath, * Henry Jasomirgott,* who still waged 
fierce war against his rival for the possession of his former 
duchy. But the return of the Emperor was soon marked by 
good results, and from the measures taken to appease the 
aggrieved feudatories sprang a new departure in the territorial 
history of Germany. In September 1156 he ended tlie 

Frederick Barharossa and Alexander III. 251 

rivalry of Henry the Lion and Henry of Austria by investing 
the latter with Austria, erected into a new duchy absolutely 
independent of Bavaria, and^itsemndivisible, 
hereditary in the house of Babenberg even in the of Austria 
female line, and exempt from many of the burdens established, 
usually imposed on the great fiefs. In the creation 
of the duchy of Austria, Frederick prepared the way for the 
more sweeping changes in the same direction which followed 
the fall of Henry the Lion in 1180. Leaving the control of 
northern and eastern Germany to Albert the Bear and the two 
Henrys, Frederick attempted to consolidate his own dynastic 
power in the south-west. He punished the disorderly Count 
Palatine Hermann for his attacks on Mainz, by depriving him 
of his possessions. These he granted to his half-brother 
Conrad, his father's son by his second marriage, and already 
possessor of the hereditary Salic estates round Worms, the 
Palatinate of the Rhine. Conrad united these two districts 
to form a new territorial power, that had for its centre the 
recently-founded castle and town of Heidelberg, and was the 
starting-point of the later Palatinate. In 11 56 Frederick 
married Beatrice, the heiress of Renaud of Macon, Couwt of 
Burgundy.^ This match immensely strengthened p . . . , 
the imperial power in that Middle --Kingdom marriage aiyj 
where it was always weak, and moreover materially Burgundian 


extended the domains of Frederick in that region 
where his influence was already strongest. His^irect sway 
now stretched from the Swabian uplands across the mid3le 
Rhine to the Vosges, and thence south to the neighbourhood 
of Lyons. Such an accession of power necessarily brought 
about the end of the nominal Zahringen rectorate, but 
Frederick bought off Duke Berthold by lands and privileges 
beyond the Jura. It was only by freelyjacrificing his sovereign 
rights that Frederick was able to persuade the~TTi^gnates 
of Germany to promise him such adequate support in his 

^ On Frederick's relations to the Middle Kingdom, see Foumier's 
Royaume d" Aries tt de Vienru, 11S8-1S78. 

252 European History, 918-1273 

projected expedition into Italy as would enable him to cross the 
Alps as a conqueror and not as a suppliant. For the moment 
his policy seemed extremely successful. Besides conciliating 
Germany, he had won back Burgundy. He had conciliated 
Duke Vratislav of Bohemia, who had refused him homage, 
by allowing him to crown himself king. He had forced King 
Boleslav iv. of Poland to recognise his overlordship by a 
brilliant invasion that got as far into Poland as Gnesen. 
Svend of Denmark was still his obedient vassal, Henry 11. 
of England wrote acknowledging in general terms the supre- 
macy of the Emperor over all his dominions. In his chancellor 
Rainald of Dassel, he found a zealous and able chief minister. 
'In Germany,' wrote Ragewin, the continuator of Otto of 
Freising, ' there was now such an unwonted peace that men 
seemed changed, the land a different one, the very heaven had 
become milder and softer.' Frederick's early glory culminated 
Diet of "^ ^^ brilliant Diet at Besan9on, the chief town 
Besan^on, of his wife's inheritance, in October 1157, where 
*'^'' ' all the earth,' exclaimed Ragewin, ' filled with 

admiration for the clemency and justice of the Emperor, and 
moved both by love and fear, strove to overwhelm him with 
novel praises and new honours.' This Diet witnessed a hot 
(Jispute between Frederick and the Papacy. 
7 Ever since Frederick's sudden withdrawal from Rome, his 
relations with Adrian iv. had been exceedingly strained. Both 
claimed to be lord of the world, and neither could 

Alliance of .,..-,. 

Adrian IV. agree as to the respective limits of their power, 
and the Por a moment the common fear of the Italian 

Normans. , , , , . , 

communes and alarm at the revolutionary heresy 
of Arnold might unite them in a temporary truce. The 
pressing danger once over, they fell back into their natural 
relations of watchful hostility. When Frederick withdrew from 
Italy, he had neither reduced Rome to the obedience of the 
Pope, nor had chastised the forays of the new King William 
of Sicily. Adrian soon found that he would have to fight for — 
his own hand. He cleverly formed^ league with the feudal 

Frederick Barbara ssa and Alexander TIL 253 

barons of Apulia, who were ripe for revolt against their over-, 
powerful sovereign. He negotiated with the Greek Emperor, 
Manuel i., who was willing to fight William, if the Pope would 
grant him three Neapolitan seaports. Alarmed at such a for- 
midable coalition, William became the Pope's vassal, and re- 
ceived in return the investiture of Apulia and Sicily. A^ian iv. 
thus" renewed the policy of Leo ix. and Innocent 11., and 
now further strengthened himself by an agreement with the 
Romans. By accepting the Roman Commune, he was allowed 
again to take up his residence in the City. Without the least 
help from Frederick, Adrian had turned the chief enemies of 
the Holy See into allies. 

Frederick bitterly resented the Pope's alliances with William 
and the Romans, which he regarded as breaches of faith. 
Adrian feared the increased power of Frederick, Qy^^gj ^f 
and had a more tangible grievance in Frederick's Frederick 
imprisonment of the Swedish Archbishop of Lund, *"•* Adrian, 
an old friend of Adrian's in the days of his northern mission- 
He accordingly sent the most trusted of his advisers, Roland 
Bandinelli of Siena, Cardinal and Chancellor of the Roman 
Church, to state his grievances to the Emperor at the Diet of 
Besangon. Roland's first salutation of the Emperor ^j^^ cardinal 
was threatening./ ' The Pope,' he said, ' greets you Roland at 
as a father and the cardinals greet you as brothers.' ^sanjon. 
Frederick was irritated at the new and unheard-of claim of the 
cardinals to rank as the equals of Caesar. But he was still 
more annoyed at the recitation of a papal letter, which boasted 
that the Pope had conferred many benefits on the Emperor.^ 
The Latin phrase {conferre beneficid) used by Adrian might 
bear the technical sense of granting a feudal benefice from a 
lord to a vassal, and Rainald the Chancellor took care to 

1 ' Debes erim ante oculos mentis reducere . . . qualiter imperialis 
insigne coronae libentissime conferens, benignissimo gremio suo tuae 
sublimitatis apicem siuduerit confovere . . . sed si majora beneficia de 
manu nostra excellentia tua suscepisset . . . non immerito gauderemus.' 
Ragewinus, Gesta Frcderici Imperatoris, in Pertz, Scriptorcs, xx. 421. 

254 European History, 918-1273 

.translate it in that sense to the illiterate magnates. The 
fiercest indignation burst out, which rose to fever heat when 
Cardinal Roland answered the objectors by inquiring, 'JFrom 
whom then does the Emj)eror hold the Empire if not from 
the Pope ? ' In answer to the Pope's implied claim of feudal 
supremacy, the Emperor circulated a declaration of his rights 
throughout the Empire. 'The Empire is Tield by us,' he 
declared, 'through the election of the princes from God 
alone, who gave the world to be ruled by the two necessary 
swords, and taught through St. Peter that men should fear 
God and honour the king. Whosoever says that we received 
the imperial crown from the lord Pope as a benefice goes 
against the Divine command and the teaching of Peter, and 
is guilty of falsehood.' Early next year Adrian was forced 
to explain that he had used ' beneficium ' in its general sense 
of 'benefit' and not in its feudal sense of 'fief.' A com- 
plete breach was thus prevented, but the ill-will still smoul- 
dered on and soon found a chance of ^rsTing~out" again 
into flame. 

In July 1 158 Frederick, at the head of a great army, crossed 
the Alps for the second time. * The arrogance of the Milanese,* 
Frederick's ^ic declared, ' has long caused them to raise their 
Second hcads against the Roman Empire, and is now 

Journey, disturbing all Italy. We have therefore resolved 
1158-1163. to turn against them all the forces of the Empire.' 
Lombardy was divided into two rival leagues, which bitterly 
hated each other. While Brescia, Crema, Parma, Piacenza, 
and Modena followed the league of Milan, Pavia headed a 
second confederacy, which included Lodi, Como, 
ofthe'^^ and Cremona, which fearing the power of Milan, 
Lombard gave its support to the Emperor. Af^er a fierce 
owns. resistance Milan also made its submission, and 

promised to submit to^he Ernperor the ratification of the 
appointment of their consuls. 

Flushed with his easy triumph, Frederick held in November 
a second Diet at Roncaglia. The most famous civilians of 

Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 255 

Bologna attended and declared the imperial rights so vigorously 
that Frederick took their order under his special protection, 
and gave doctors of laws the privileges of knights. Diet at 
It was announced that the Emperor had resolved Ro"cagiia. 
to take all his royal rights back into his own hands. The 
pleasure of the prince had the force of law, and no length of 
prescription could justify usurpation. But the Emperor was 
willing to reinvest both the lay and ecclesiastical lords and 
the towns with rights to which they had a lawful title. Never- 
theless, the supreme magistrates of the towns were to be in all 
cases appointed by the king with the assent of the citizens. 
Instead of the aristocratic consulate, it was henceforth a main 
object of Frederick's policy to establish a podestd, as the 
supreme governor of each town. This representative of the 
imperial power was generally a stranger, with no interest or 
sympathy in the town that he ruled, and universally detested 
as an intruder and a despot. Immediately after the dissolution 
of the Diet, Rainald of Dassel and Otto of Wittelsbach went 
round to the various Lombard cities to set \x^ podestas. Milan, 
disgusted at the Emperor's ignoring the terms of their former 
capitulation, refused to receive its podestd, and broke into 
revolt. Other cities followed its example — one of which, 
Crema, was carried by assault by Frederick after a terrible 
siege. Milan held out for three years, and had to face the 
whole of Frederick's power, until at last famine forced it to 
open its gates. Frederick hardened his heart to the prayers 
of the Milanese, and made a great favour of allow- „ 

' ° Revolt and 

ing them their lives. The chief men of the city destruction 
were kept as hostages ; the walls and defences °^ Milan, 
were destroyed; and the ancient inhabitants were forbidden to 
dwell in the open village that now repHEsented the city of St. 
Ambrose, where a few ancient churches, conspicuous among 
which was the Basilica of the patron saint, alone arose amidst 
the ruins. The relics of the three Magi of the East were 
secured by Rainald of Dassel for his own church at Cologne, 
of which they have ever since remained the chief glory. The 

256 ^ European History, 918-1273 

municipal independence of Italy seemed. extinct. Tt^e_Emperof 
was king as well as overlord. 

The Church witnessed with extreme alarm the growing for- 
tunes of the Emperor. Adrian iv. showed his ill-will by putting 
obstacles in the way of the appointment of imperial nominees 
to vacant bishoprics, and Frederick retaliated by reverting in 
his correspondence with the Pope to a more ancient but less 
respectful form of address. In great disgust Adrian encouraged 
Milan to resist, and got ready for an open breach. He hoped 
to form an Italian league against the Emperor, and did not 
scruple to invoke the aid of the schismatic Manuel against the 
orthodox Frederick. But, on ist September 1159, he was cut 
off by a sudden illness in the midst of his preparations. The 
next Pope was that Cardinal Roland whose zeal at Besangon 
had even outrun the zeal of Adrian himself, Roland assumed 
Aiexanderiii. the significant name of Alexander iii. ; and during 
ii5».ii8i. his unusually long pontificate of nearly twenty-two 
years, he continued his predecessor's policy with such energy 
that the strife of Pope and Emperor was soon renewed with all 
its old intensity. 
J Frederick's friends among the cardinals, finding themselves 
r powerless to oppose Alexander's election, fell back on the old 
weapon of schism. On the same day (7th September 1159) 
that the majority of the cardinals elected Alexander, the 
imperialist minority of the Sacred College, stirred up by the 
TheAnti- indefatigable Otto of Wittelsbach, declared that 
pope Victor their choice had fallen on the Cardinal Octavian, 
^^' who assumed the name of Victor iv. Frederick 

returned from the reduction of the Lombard cities to hold a 
council at Pavia to decide between the rival claims, and 
boasted that he was following the examples of Constantine, 
Charles, and Otto. Alexander utterly refused to submit 
his claims to a body convoked under the sanction of the 
temporal sword. * No one,' he declared, ' has the right to 
judge me, since I am the supreme judge of all the world.' 
Though the synod of Pavia declared that Victor was the 

Frederick Barbaras sa and Alexander III. • 257 

cauonical Pope, Alexander, driven out of Rome within a few 
days of his election, was nevertheless looked up to as rightful 
Bishop by the greater part of the Christian world. In 1160 a 
synod of bishops subject to Louis vii. and Henry 11. met at 
Toulouse and declared for Alexander. But the lawful Pope 
upheld his position with great difficulty in Italy, Alexander 
During the first three years of his pontificate he *" France, 
maintained his court at Anagni and Terracina. In January 
1 162 he took ship to Genoa, whence after the fall of Milan, a 
few weeks later, he fled to France. Secure of the friendship 
of the two chief kings of the West, Alexander now quietly 
waited until the time was ripe for his return to Italy. In 11 63 
he held a council at Tours, within the dominions of Henry of 
Anjou, in which he excommunicated the Antipope and his 
supporters, among whom Rainald of Dassel, now Archbishop- 
elect of Cologne, was specially mentioned. 

In 1 162 Frederick returned to Germany; but not even the 
presence of the Emperor could keep the German prelates firm 
in their adhesion to the Antipope. Many of the clergy and 
most monks were on Alexander's side, or at least strove to 
avoid open hostility to Frederick by demanding a General 
Council to heal the schism. The whole Cistercian and 
Carthusian orders worked hard for Alexander's interest, and 
many of their leaders joined the growing band of Italian and 
German fugitives that swelled the court of the exiled Pontiff 
in Gaul. The death of the Antipope during Frederick's third 
visit to Italy, in 1164, did not end the breach. Rainald of 
Dassel procured the election of a new Antipope in the Cardinal 
Guy of Crema, who styled himself Paschal 111/ In 1165 
Frederick held a Diet at Wurzburg, where he pro- ^he Anti- 
mulgated the severest laws against the champions pope 
of Alexander, while the Emperor and his barons ^^"^ ^ "^' 
bound ihe^nfiselyes by oath never to recognise Alexander or 
any of his folio wers^as^Pcpe-— Rainald of Dassel strove hard 
to bring over Henry of England to support the schismatic Pope ; 
but Henry, already involved in his struggle with Thomas of 


258 European History^ 918-1273 

Canterbury, was too prudent to confuse his local quarrel with 

his primate with the general conflict of Pope and Emperor. 

The new Antipope formally announced the canonisation of 

Charles the Great, and Frederick went in great state to Aachen, 

where the bones of the great Emperor were solemnly translated 

to a golden shrine, while Frederick adorned the round 

Carolingian chapel with the magnificent candelabrum that is 

still one of its chief ornaments. But in the same year 

(1165), Alexander iii. was encouraged, by the hostile attitude 

of the Lombards to Frederick, to venture back into Italy, and 

by November was again in possession of Rome, whence he 

fulminated excommunication against the Emperor. 

Even after the fall of Milan, the north Italian cities still 

gave Frederick trouble. In 11 64 the towns of the March 

Renewal of °^ Vcrona, among them Verona, Vicenza, Padua, 

the Town- and Treviso, rose in revolt against their new 

L^mb"rdy podcstcLs, and formcd a league for the preservation 

1164. of their liberties. By holding in force the narrow 

gorge of the Adige to the north of Verona (La Chiusa di 

Verona), they hoped to prevent the return of Frederick to 

Italy by his usual route. Venice, already the open enemy 

of Frederick, actively supported the league of Verona. On 

the news of Frederick's excommunication, the Lombard cities 

began to revive. Milan was rebuilt and re-fortified, and the 

schismatic bishops were chased away. It was high time for 

the return of the Emperor, and in November i i1S(rFfederick 

entered upon his fourth Italian expedition. Fearing to fight 

the Veronese league at Chiusa, he descended into Lombardy 

by the Val Camonica. Open resistance seemed stifled by the 

enormous German host that followed the Emperor; and 

Frederick, hurrying through the disaff"ected dis- 

fourth Italian trict, marched straight on Rome. After a fierce 

journey, siege Frejieu£k_captured Rome, and was again 
Ii67-ii6a '° , , , .7 — •„ , , , . 

crowned by the Antipope Paschal (ist August 

1167), while Alexander fled, disguised as a pilgrim, to seek 

shelter with the friendly Normans at Gaeta. A terrible 

Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 259 

plague now swept away the victorious army of Frederick, and 
theL_ Lombard cities, profiting by his misfortunes, formally 
lenewed their league. Among the victims of the pestilence 
were Rainald of Cologne, the indefatigable chancellor, and the 
Emperor's two cousins, Frederick of Rothenburg, Duke of 
Swabia, and the warlike young Welf vii., son of Welf vi. of 
Bavaria. Frederick, with the remnants of his army, had the 
utmost difficulty in effecting his retreat to Lombardy. The 
Papalists boasted that God had cut off the host of Frederick 
as of old He had destroyed the army of Sennacherib before 
the walls of Jerusalem. 

The Lombard league took its final shape in the beginning 
of 1 168, when Frederick was refreshing his exhausted forces 
at Pavia. The members pledged themselves to The Lombard 
aid each other against all those who would make league, 1168. 
war against them, or would exact anything more from them than 
had been customary. They also appointed rectors, chosen from 
among the consuls of the several cities, for the management 
of federal affairs. Fear of the Emperor had now destroyed 
even the jealousies of neighbouring and rival cities, and 
the league now included all the towns of the northern 
plain, from Milan to Venice, and from Bergamo to Bologna. 
Lodi itself now made common cause with its old enemy 
Milan, and even the obstinate imperialists of Pavia grudged 
to the beaten Emperor the protection of its walls. All the 
approaches to the northern Alpine passes were blocked 
by the confederate cities, and the Emperor could only get 
home by a long detour through the uplands of Montferrat and 
Piedmont. In the spring of 1168 Frederick made his way to 
Susa, and J;hence over the Mont Cenis. After his departure, new 
accessions increased the Lombard league, and Alexander iii. 
sent it his blessing. In the spring of 11 68 Foundation of 
the league founded a new city in a marshy dis- Alessandria, 
trict, on the banks of the Tanaro, and called it ^^^" 
Alessandria in honour of its patron. Vast earthworks and a 
strong castle made their creation an impregnable fortress, 

26o European History^ 918-1273 

calculated to hold out as long as provisions remained. The 
town soon prospered : the Pope erected it into a bishopric, and 
settlers from all sides made it a busy centre of trade. The 
foundation of Alessandria pushed the league's territory more 
to the westwards, into the region where the feudal potentates 
were still strong, and where cities like Asti, Vercelli, Novara, 
were now emboldened to join it. Moreover, the city pro- 
tected the high road from Milan to Genoa which gave 
Lombardy access to the sea, and blocked the descent of 
German armies from the Burgundian passes as effectively as 
the league had already blocked the northern valleys of the 

For the next six years the Lombard league was suffered to 
live in peace. On thejeath of the Antipope Paschal in 1168, 
TheAntipope a ncw pretender was set up, called Calixtus in. 
Caiixtus in. But for all practjcal purposes Italy^ was inde- 
pendent of the Emperor. Frederick'sTasfpartisans in north 
Italy, the citizens of Pavia, and the Counts of Montferrat and 
Biandrate, were constrained to submit to the league. In 
Germany the ecclesiastical opposition grew under the guidance 
of the Archbishop of Salzburg, and Alexander became more 
and_more generally recognised. Renewed efforts to win over 
Henry of Anjou to support the Antipope were unsuccessful, 
and the humiliation of the English king after Becket's 
murder was a lesson to Frederick of the abiding might 
of the Church to control princes. The growing power 

of Plenry the Lion excited the fears of the smaller 
fifth Italian barons and the jealousy of the Emperor. But 
journey, Frederick sought to avert the inevitable conflict 

in order that he might revenge himself on the 
revolted Lombards. Meanwhile his agents strove to gain 
friends for him in central Italy, where the removal of all 
external control had fiercely divided the towns of Tuscany 
and Romagna. In 1174 Frederick made his fifth expedition 
to Italy, But the small army which he led in September 
over Mont Cenis was mainly composed of his personal 

Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 261 

vassals, the stronger princes remaining at home. Nevertheless,. 
a revival of the imperial party followed the reappearance of 
the Emperor in Italy. After destroying Susa and capturing 
Asti, Frederick vigorously besieged the new city of 
Alessandria — the city of straw, as the imperialists called it. 
Meanwhile Christian, Archbishop of Mainz, won important 
successes for the Emperor in Tuscany and Romagna, but 
failed at the siege of Ancona. The siege of Alessandria 
lasted till April 1175, when the rectors of the league came 
to its relief. Both armies prepared for battle at Montebello, 
but at the very moment of the conflict negotiations were 
entered upon, at the instance of the Cremonese. Yet Frederick 
would not accept the hard conditions of the Lombards — the 
recognition of their liberties, acknowledgment of Alexander as 
lawful Pope, and the incorporation of Alessandria as a member 
of the league. The ' Peace of Montebello ' was-^ceordingl 
broken, and both sides prepared to fight to the end. 

Frederick drew fresh reinforcements from Germany for 
the campaign of 1176 ; but Henry the Lion refused to come, 
and a personal interview between him and ^he battle of 
Frederick at Chiavenna did not induce him Legnano, 
to change his purpose. Nevertheless, with the ' 
help of his Italian friends, Frederick was still at the head .of_ 
a gallant army, while the warlike Christian of Mainz kept the 
Normans in check by invading Apulia. The northern campaign 
opened when Frederick left Pavia and joined the force, which 
was now brought from Germany, at Como. His object now 
was to return with his new troops to Pavia. But Milan 
blocked the direct road, and forced the Emperor to make a 
circuit to the west. The Milanese anticipated this movement 
by marching out of the city with their caroccio, hoping to cut off 
the German host before it could reach Pavia. On 29th May 
the confederates encountered the imperial army near Legnano, 
about seventeen miles north-west of Milan, in the plain that 
stretches from the river Olona westwards to the Ticino. The 
caroccio was put in the centre of the army, and protected by 

262 European History, 918-1273 

a select band styled the ' Company of Death,' who had sworn 
either to conquer or never return. The fierce charge of the 
mail-clad German knights put to flight the knights of Lom- 
bardy, and Frederick, who here commanded in person, fiercely 
assailed the infantry grouped round the caroccio. For a moment 
the cause of the league seemed undone. But the Emperor 
was unhorsed in the struggle, and the rumour soon spread 
that he had fallen. The infantry in close array held their 
own manfully, until the^ fugitive cavalry rallied and assailed 
the Germans in flank. Before nightfall Frederick's army 
was hopelessly broken, and the Emperor gained Pavia, 
almost unattended, with the utmost difficulty. But the 
citizen-soldiers went home, and did not follow up their 
victory, and Cremona with other towns became so jealous of 
the success of Milan that they prepared to make separate 
terms with the Emperor. Frederick himself had grown 
weary of the struggle ; and the Archbishops of Cologne and 
Magdeburg, who had brought the last army from Germany, 
declared that they would no longer support the Emperor, and 
urged him to reconcile himself with Alexander. In October 
Frederick reluctantly broke the ill-fated oath of Wiirzburg, and 
sent Christian of Mainland other German prelates taAnagni 
to conclude peace with the Pope^ He still hoped to detach 
Alexander from the Lombard cities, and resume hostilities 
against them after he had been reconciled to the Church. 
Alexander refused to betray either the cities or his older ally, 
William of Sicily, and Frederick reluctantly brought himself 
to accept the hard terms of the victors. In March 1177 
The Peace of Alexander and his cardinals journeyed to Venice 
Venice, 1177. to be near the negotiations. It ^eemed as if all 
Italy were banded together against the Emperor, and as if 
instead of resisting lawful authority, the papal alliance repre-~" 
sented an Italian national party banded together against 
foreign invaders from beyond the Alps. Frederick yielded on 
all substantial points. He was restored to the communion of 
the Church, and on 24th July J177 was suffered to enter 

Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III, 263 

Venice to make his submission to Alexander. Frederick was 
conducted in great state to the Piazza, where the Pope, 
surrounded by cardinals and prelates, waited for him in the 
portico of St. Mark's. ' Then,' says a contemporary, * he was 
touched by the spirit of God, and, abandoning his imperial 
dignity, threw himself humbly at the feet of the Pope.' 
Alexander, with tears in his eyes, raised his fallen enemy, and 
gave him the kiss of peace. It was exactly a hundred years 
since Henry iv. had gone to Canossa. 

In August the Peace of Venice settled the details of 
Frederick's reconciliation with the Papacy. All the lands 
usurped from the patrimony of St. Peter were to be restored. 
The Pope and^Emperor promised mutual aid against each 
other's enemies, and were lavish in vows of future friendship. 
Almce was securedTor the Lombards, the Normans, and even 
for Manuel Comnenus, while the detailed conditions of a final 
settlement were slowly adjusted under the mediation of the 
papal legate. In August 11 78 the Antipope ^ 

Calixtus renounced his pretensions, and, though schism in 
a few obstinate schismatics sought still to carry the Papacy, 
on the line of Antipopes, their nominee was 
soon forced into a monastery. The permanent treaty with 
the Lombards was finally signed on June 1183 at Constance. 
By it the Emperor granted to the cities of the peaceof 
Lombard league all the royal rights {regalia) which Constance, 
they ever had, or at that moment enjoyed. ,The ^^ ^ 
cities were allowed to build fortifications, to continue their 
league, and make such other combinations as they wished. They 
had complete jurisdiction over their own members, could levy 
troops, coin money, and exercise practically all regalian rights. 
The imperial podestds disappeared, and henceforth the podestd 
was but a foreign judge called in by the citizens, in the hope 
that his strangeness to local factions would make him an 
impartial magistrate. The only clauses which upheld the 
supremacy of the Emperor stipulated that theconsuls should 
receive imperial confirmation, that a right of appeal should 

264 European History^ 918-1273 

lie to the imperial court, and that the Emperor should 
still have a claim to receive the fodrum as a contribution to 
his military expenses. Such rights as thus remained to the 
Emperor were henceforth exercised by legates and vicars, very 
careless of their absent master. For^all practicalj)urposes, 
the Treaty of Constance made the Lombard'republics self- 
governing city-states. The barest_ over-lordship henceforth 
alone remained to him who in past ^eneratisnrirad aspired 
to be their effective master. The Empire was h^ no means 
destroyed byjhis great blow, but henceforth Italy and Germany 
have eacTTtheir independent developmentT 

After the peace, Frederick's main occupation lay in Ger- 
many. During the Emperor's Italian troubles the power of 
Frederick and Henry the Lion had gone on increasing. In 
Germany. the north liT particular, Henry had renewed 
the ancient policy of extending the German race at the 
expense of the Slavs. Using his Saxon duchy as the basis 
of his operations, he completed the German isation of the lands 
between the Elbe, Baltic, and Oder, that^ despite the work 
of the Ottos, and Lothair and Albert the Bear, were still 
largely Slavonic and heathen. So solid was his power, that 
disasters in Italy, such as in the days of the Ottos had led to 
a Slavonic reaction in the north-east, had no influence in 
retarding the march of German conquest. Before long, the 
vastness of Henry's resources and the stability of his policy 
threw the exploits of Albert the Bear into the shade. In 
alliance with the young Valdemar l of Denmark, Henry 
carried to a completion the long process of the conquest of 
the half-heathen tribes beyond the Elbe, and grudged his 
reluctant ally a share in the spoils of war. The warlike 
Abotrites were at last subdued and forced to profess Chris- 
tianity, and the fortress and bishopric of Schwerin was estab- 
^^ lished by Henry in their midst, along with 
Lion and the numerous colonics of Saxons and Flemish settlers. 
Marka. Henry was as great a founder of towns as Otto 

the Great. LUbeck, founded in 1143 by his dependant, 

Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 265 

Count Adolf of Holstein, and the first German town on the 
Baltic, owed its existence to his energy. The bishoprics of 
Mecklenburg and Pomerania claim him as their founder. 
Cistercian and Premonstratensian missionaries crushed out 
the last remnants of heathenism, and trade followed strong 
rule. In 1168 Henry married Matilda, the daughter of^ 
Henry of Anjou, an alliance that established a warm and 
permanent connection between the Guelfic house and the 
English throne. 

Henry the Lion sought to rule within his duchies with the 
same autocratic power with which he governed his border 
conquests. The local nobles and prelates saw Henry the 
in his policy a design against their franchises, and Lion and his 
combined to oifer him a vigorous resistance. *^"*=^'^^- 
Albert the Bear, who had never lost hope of regaining Saxony, 
opposed him even in the Marks. In 1166 the princes of 
Saxony, headed by Rainald of Dassel and the Archbishop of 
Bremen, went to open war against Henry, but the personal 
intervention of the Emperor restored peace in the Diet of 
Wiirzburg. The Lion's northern allies were equally alarmed 
at his triumphs ; and Valdemar of Denmark, irritated by his 
requiring a share in the recent Danish conquest of Riigen, 
became his enemy, but was soon obliged to crave his forgive- 
ness, and Valdemar's son and successor, Canute vi., married 
Henry's daughter Gertrude. In 11 70 the death of the restless 
Margrave Albert relieved Henry from the most dangerous of his 
opponents. His position was now so strong that he was able, 
between 1170 and 1172, to go on pilgrimage to the Holy 
Land, where he was received with great honour, and whence 
he brought back many relics, which he enshrined in the 
stately churches at Brunswick of which he was the founder. 
Though shorn of the East Mark by the creation of-the^a^w 
duchy of Austria, Henry was still able to exercise almost as 
great an influence on the Germanisation of the south-west as 
on the same process in the north-east. It was the age of 
German colonisation, when, from the overpeopled lands of 

266 European History^ 918-1273 

the Netherlands and old Saxony, adventurers sought a fresh 
home in the lands newly won to civilisation. German 
colonists in Meissen and in the lands ruled by Czech and 
Magyar, owed their position to Henry. In Bavaria itself he 
was the founder of the city of Munich. 

It was inevitable that Frederick should look with suspicion 
upon so powerful and restless a vassal, especially as, even 
before the Chiavenna interview, Henry had ceased to take 
part in promoting the imperial designs on Italy. But as long 
as Frederick's main object was the subjection of the Church 
and the Lombards, the support of Henry was indispensable to 
him^ . However, after the Peace of Venice the condition of 
affairs was altered. Henceforth theLEmperer's best hopes of . 
success, both in Germany and Italy, lay in the support of the 
great ecclesiastics who had so long opposed Henry in Saxony. 
It was now Frederick's policy to strengthen his position in 
North Germany by alliances with the local magnates, both 
ecclesiastical and lay, who were eager to join with the Emperor 
in breaking down Jhe j)Ower of their autocratic duke. 

After the peace with the Church, Bishop Ulrich of Halber- 
stadt, who had been expelled as a partisan of Alexander, came 
back to his see. Henry, who, during his absence, had 
administered the possessions of the bishopric, refused to 
surrender them to him. Philip of Heinsberg Archbishop of 
Cologne, formed a close alliance with Bishop Ulrich. The 
allies excommunicated the duke, and devastated his lands in 
Westphalia. Meanwhile Frederick left Italy in the summer 
of 1 1 78, and after receiving the crown of the Middle King- 
dom at Aries, reached Speyer in October, where Henry the 
Fall of ^^°" visited him and complained bitterly of the 
Henry the treatment he had received from the confederated 
Lion. 1x80. bishops. A Diet was summoned to meet at 
Worms in January 11 79, to consider the feud, but Henry did 
not appear, and the elaborate complaints of his vassals 
remained unanswered. In the summer the Emperor visited 
Saxony, but Henry again refused an interview at Magdeburg,, 



Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 267 


where new complaints were laid before the Emperor. A 
little later, a private interview between king and duke led to 
no result. Henry neglected the third and last opportunity of 
formally appearing^ T)efore Frederick, and despairing of the 
Emperor's justice, devastated the Saxon bishoprics with fire 
and sword, and called in his old enemies the Slavs to invade 
German territory. In January 1180 a Diet was held at Wiirz- 

burg. For the fourth time Henry refused to appear, and the 
sentence of banishment and the loss of his fiefs was given 
against him. Henry declared that as a Swabian he had a 
right to be tried by the magnates of Swabia alone, and strove 
to fight for his inheritance, but had little success. He hoped 
great things from his foreign friends^ but_ no help came 
either from his father-in-law, Henry of England, his old ally, 
Valdemar of Denmark, or his more recent associate, the 
young Philip 11. of France. In the summer of 1181 the 
Emperor easily conquered Saxony. In November the once 

268 European History, 918-1273 

mighty duke was forced to crave pardon at Erfurt Frederick 
treated him kindly, and restored to him Brunswick, Liineburg, 
and most of his allodial possessions. But at the prayer of 
the assembled magnates he reaffirmed his sentence of banish- 
ment, and of the deprivation of his duchies. The exiled 
duke retired to Normandy and England, where his father-in- 
law, Henry 11., treated him with marked consideration. By 
a pilgrimage to St. James of Compostella, he sought to do 
penance for his violence to the churches. His political ca reer 
seemed at an end. 

The vacant duchies of the Guelfs were disposed of on con- 
ditions that mark an epoch in the territorial development 
Division of °^ Germany. Saxony, the last stronghold of 
the Saxon the Sentiment of the ancient four peoples of 
duchy. Germany, now underwent the same fate that 

had fallen to Bavaria earlier in Frederick's reign. The 
western parts, including the vast dioceses of Cologne and 
Paderbom, were erected into the new duchy of Westphalia, 
and granted to the Archbishop of Cologne, Frederick's ally. 
The lands between the Weser and the Elbe went to the 
chief of the lay enemies of the Guelfic house. Bernard of_ 
Anhalt, the son of Albert the Bear, received this district, along 
with the ducal title, but only on condition that the counties 
and bishoprics that in Henry the Lion's days had been 
directly dependent on the Saxon duke, should henceforward 
hold immediately of the Empire. In the south the aged 
Welf VI. had quite withdrawn from politics, and Otto of Wittels- 
bach, Count-Palatine of Bavaria, the strenuous upholder of 
Frederick's policy in Italy, was before long invested with the 
duchy of Bavaria, over which his descendants still bear rule. 
The fall of the Guelfs, the one family strong enough to rival 
the throne, compensated in some measure for Frederick's 
failures in Italy. By the partition of Saxony and Bavaria, the 
Diet of last danger to the monarchy from the national 

Mainz, XX84. (juchics was rcmovcd. In the great Diet of 
Mainz, held in 11 84, the glories of the Diet of Besan^on were 

Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 269 

renewed, after which the Emperor went over the Alps for his 
sixth and last visit to Italy. So strong did Frederick still 
feel himself, that he yielded to the importunities of Henry of 
England, and allowed Henry the Lion to return to Germany. 

Misfortunes followed Frederick's fresh intervention in 
Italy. On his way he concluded, at Augsburg, a treaty 
(October 11 84), which ranks as the greatest . 
of his diplomatic triumphs. In 11 69 his eldest Siciiy with 
son, Henry, had been crowned King of the *he Empire. 
Romans at Aachen, when still a child. He was now be- 
coming his father's active fellow-worker. By the Treaty of 
Augsburg it was arranged that the young king should marry 
Constance of Sicily, the daughter of King Roger, and the 
aunt and heiress of the childless William 11. From this 
sprang the ultimate union of the Hohenstaufen with the 
Sicilian royal house, and the conversion of southern Italy, 
hitherto the chiefest strength of the papal power, into the 
strongest bulwark of the Swabian Empire. Nor was this 
Frederick's only success in Italy. The league of 
northern cities had broken asunder after the fear Frederick's 
of his strong hand was removed.. In 1181 the power in 
former imperialist towns — Cremona, Pavia, Lodi, ^ ^' 
Bergamo, Como — separated themselves from the confedera- 
tion, and formed a league, bitterly opposed to Milan and her 
allies. Frederick also took advantage of the feuds of Tuscany 
and Bologna to build up a party there, and by lavish grants to 
Pisa and Lucca he secured, though at vast cost, powerful 
friends in middle Italy. 

The Papacy had lost the great man who had so long 
upheld its fortunes. Alexander iii.'s last important act 
was the assembling, in March 1179, of the third TheLateran 
General Council of the Lateran, where the law Council, 1179. 
was promulgated that a valid election to the Akxander 
Papacy required the votes of two-thirds of the in., hSi. 
cardinals present in the conclave. He died on 30th August 
1 181, full of years and honours. His five immediate 

270 European History, c^\%-\2'j I 

successors did not reign long enough to make any real 
mark, and were much hampered by their strife with the 
Romans. Lucius iir. (1181-1185) the first of the series, 
Lucius III., was still Pope when Frederick paid his sixth 
1181-1185. yjgj^ tQ Italy. In November 11 84 Pope and 
Emperor met at Verona, where Lucius refused to consent to 
Frederick's proposal that his son, the young King Henry, 
should be crowned Emperor during his own lifetime. Under 
Urban m. (i 185-1 187), Lucius' successor, a new quarrel 
Urban III., between Pope and Emperor seemed imminent. 
1185-1187. -pj^g immediate pretext of this was a double 
election to the Archbishopric of Trier, where the imperialist 
choice of Rudolf of Wied had been opposed by the appoint- 
ment of the ambitious Archdeacon Folmar by the hierarchical 
party. Urban iii. consecrated Folmar archbishop, and a 
powerful coalition against Frederick was formed, including 
Threatened bcsidcs Folmar, Philip, Archbishop of Cologne, 
renewal of and Henry the Lion, but recently back to his 
berween German estates, whose father-in-law, Henry of 
Empire and England, and son-in-law, Canute vi. of Denmark, 
Papacy. promised their assistance. But Frederick had 

still the upper hand, and his ancient enemies in Italy and 
Germany were now foremost in supporting him. "While 
Cremona joined the Pope, Milan concluded a close alliance 
with the Emperor, and the marriage of King Henry and 
Constance was celebrated within the walls of the once 
rebellious city. After the marriage, a threefold coronation 
ceremony took place, in which Frederick received the crown 
of Burgundy, Henry that of Italy, and Constance the queen's 
crown of Germany. Henceforth the ancient title of Caesar 
was revived in Henry's favour, in the same sense as that 
in which Diocletian had designated the Caesar to be the 
assistant and successor of the imperial Augustus. In Italy 
the young Henry devastated the lands of the Papalists. In 
Germany, where the bishops supported Frederick, Philip 
of Cologne, abandoned by his English allies, was utterly 

Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 271 

defeated. Urban persisted in his opposition, and was pre- 
paring to excommunicate the Emperor, when the fatal news 
of the collapse of the Christian power in the East came as a 
thunderclap. A few days later Urban died (20th October 
1 187), and his successor Gregory viii. (October-December 
1 187) strove to unite Europe in a new Crusade, Gregory 
and dying after a few weeks, the next Pope, viii., 1187. 
Clement iii (1187-1191) removed the chief cause of the dis- 
pute by depriving Folmar of his archbishopric, clement iii., 
and by promising to crown Henry. Henry the ^187-1191. 
Lion atoned for his new treason by a new exile. The 
younger son of Frederick, Frederick, now received the duchy 
of Swabia, in succession to Frederick of Rothenburg. Peace 
was thoroughly restored, and the power of the Emperor 
established on a firmer basis than ever. In Italy order was 
again secured. Since the death of Alexander in., the Popes 
had mainly lived in northern Italy, but in 1188 Clement 111. 
was restored to Rome. His successor Celestine iii. (1191- 
1198) lived peacefully in the capital, but the Senate still 
ruled Rome and not the Pope. 

Once more master of Germany and Italy, the old Emperor 
showed his imperial position in its most ideal aspect by 
putting himself at the head of a great European „ 

X r.r.ij- JT , Crusade and 

movement. In 1 187 Saladm conquered Jerusalem death of 
from the Christians, and a mighty crusading Frederick, 
impulse ran for a third time throughout Europe. 
At Easter 11 88, Frederick once more took the Cross, and 
leaving the Csesar Henry as regent, left Germany in May 1 189. 
In June 1190 he perished in Cilicia, without having ever 
reached his goal. 

Ragewin, the biographer of Frederick, minutely describes 
his person and character. His stature was not above the 
middle height, but his frame was elegant and Frederick's 
well proportioned. Flowing yellow hair curled «=iia'"a<=*e'^- 
over his brow and almost concealed his ears, and his close- 
cropped reddish beard gave him his familiar surname of 

272 European History, 918-1273 

Barbarossa. His eyes were clear and bright, his nose well 
shaped, and his whole countenance joyous and merry. His 
throat and neck were somewhat thick. His milk-white skin 
easily reddened, not through anger but from modesty. His 
gait was firm and regular, and his habit of body vigorous. 
His voice was clear and full. He enjoyed excellent health 
but for chronic attacks of fever. He was chaste, honourable, 
just and religious. He was assiduous at divine worship, 
devout in his behaviour in church, and very respectful to the 
clergy, regularly putting aside a tenth of his income for pious 
and charitable objects. A mighty warrior, he only rejoiced 
in battle because victory was the best means of assuring peace. 
He was zealous in his attention to public business, and kept 
in his hands the whole strings of his policy. He delighted in 
hunting, and was able to lay aside his royal state in hours of 
recreation without loss of dignity. He was fond of reading 
history, especially the story of his great predecessors in the 
Empire. Speaking eloquently in German, he could under- 
stand Latin better than he could talk it. Simple but never 
negligent in his personal habits, he wore the ordinary German 
dress. He spent much money on buildings, especially in 
restoring ancient palaces in Germany and Italy. His greatest 
ambition was to restore the Roman Empire to its pristine 
glory. During his reign both Germany and Italy enjoyed a 
prosperity and peace to which they had long been strangers. 
Agriculture flourished : commerce took a mighty impetus : the 
towns became wealthy and self-governing, and secured for 
themselves as strong a position as the barons and bishops 
within the political system of feudalism. A German national 
literature attested the growth of German national conscious- 
ness. The Niebelungenlied took its modern form, and its 
heroes, by their strange medley of chivalry and violence, well 
represent the ideals of the age. The Minnesinger began 
their songs, and the rhymed Kaisercronik brought home to all 
the mighty deeds of former Emperors. In later times, when 
the seeds of disunion sown by the great Emperor's policy 

Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander ITT. 273 

had brought forth their fruits, men looked back to the age 
of Barbarossa with admiration and longing. A strange legend 
ultimately grew that Frederick was not dead but sleeping, and 
that in due time he would again appear to restore peace and 
justice, and again realise in his own person the Kingdom of 
God on earth. 






Contrast between French and German History — Character and Policy ol 
Louis VI, — Suger — The Conquest of the Royal Domain — Louis vi.'s 
relations with Normandy, England, Blois, and Aquitaine — Louis vi.'s 
dealings with the Church and the Towns : Character of Louis vil. — The 
first ten years of his reign — Divorce from Eleanor of Aquitaine — Rise of 
Blois and Anjou — The Rivalry of Louis vii. and Henry 11. — Progress of 
the Monarchy under Louis vii. — The early years of Philip Augustus — 
Death and defeat of Henry 11. 

While the imperial rulers of Germany lavished their resources 
on the pursuit of impossible ideals, the kings of France 
Contrast worked up their way from small beginnings 10 the 
between the possession of great power. In the beginning of 
F«rKh°and ^^^ twelfth century there could be no effective 
German Comparison between the insignificance of Philip i. 

History. ^^^ ^^^ grandeur of Henry iv. even in the 
moments of his worst difficulties. Before the century was 
out, the power of Philip Augustus was worthy to rival that 
of Henry vi., and a few years later triumphed in the field 
over all the forces of the German Empire. 

* Besides M. Luchaire's Institutums Monarchiques, his Louis VI. It 
Gros, Annates de sa vie et de son rigne and his Etudes sur Us actes de 
Louis VII. , are of capital importance for this period. Hirsch's Studien zur 
Geschichte Ludwip VII. von Frankreich, and Delisle's Catalogue des Actes 
de Philippe Auguste, well illustrate the latter part of the chapter. Huiton's 
short Philip Augustus ('Foreign Statesmen Series') is a readable 
summary, while W. Walker's On the Increase of the Royal Power in Frame 
under Philip Augustus is also useful. Miss Norgate's England under 
the Angevin Kings is fullest for the stniggle of France and Ai^ou. 

Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 275 

The reign of Louis vi. (1108-1137) marks the first and 
most important stage in this development. The only son of 
Philip I. and Bertha of Holland, Louis was born character 
in 108 1 and brought up in the abbey of Saint- and policy of 
Denis, which he left in 1092, on receiving from °"'^ ^' 
his father the investiture of the Vexin, where he learnt his 
first experience in war and statecraft while defending his 
appanage against William Rufus. About the end of the 
century he was associated with his father as king-designate, 
and for the next eight years the premature infirmities of 
Philip I. gave Louis a large share of power. On Philip's 
death in July 11 08, he was at once crowned king at Orleans. 

In person Louis was very like his father, with his great 
height, pale face, and the excessive corpulence that neither 
constant activity in the field nor unwearied labours in the 
chase could subdue, and which gave him his almost contem- 
porary surname of the Fat. Like his father also, he was 
greedy and sensual. But with all his faults, he had acquired 
at Saint-Denis the softness and mildness of disposition which 
was his most essential characteristic. He was, moreover, just, 
loyal, and upright, ever preferring to reach his aims by simple 
and direct means rather than by craft and treachery. *A 
mighty athlete and an eminent gladiator,' as his biographer 
calls him, he was constantly engaged fighting from youth 
upwards, and never abandoned his military habits, though 
at the age of forty-six he was too bulky to be able to mount 
on horseback. His nobles disliked him, as the Normans 
disliked Henry i., for his love of men of low condition. He 
was no knight-errant, but a shrewd practical warrior, ever 
bent on maintaining or increasing his power, and making the 
chief object of his activity the abasement of the barons of the 
royal domain and the protection of the poor and the weak 
from their high-handed violence. He also carefully watched 
the overgrown power of the great feudatories. Unlike his 
father, Louis kept on good terms with the Church, posing as 
the protector of churchmen from the brutality and greed of 

276 European History ^ 918-1273 

the lay baronage. He was ever mindful of the monks, and 
never lost his love for the home of his youth. His famous 
minister Suger became, in 11 22, Abbot of Saint- 
Denis, and the relations of king and minister 
went back to the days when Louis abode within the great abbey 
where Suger, a boy like himself, was being prepared for the 
religious vocation. A man of humble origin, small and 
mean appearance, and with wretched health, but restless, inde- 
fatigable, clear-sighted and politic, Sugar's brain suggested a 
subtle policy such as the rough soldier-king delighted to follow. 
Suger accompanied his master in all his travels, and kept so 
constantly at court that the zealots reproached him with neglect- 
ing the administration of his abbey. In Louis' later years the 
influence of St. Bernard induced the statesman-monk to make 
the reform of the discipline of Saint-Denis one of his main 
objects of attention. But he never lost his influence over 
Louis, and to his interest in the strong Church party must 
be largely attributed the direction of Louis' ecclesiastical 
policy. After the king's death, Suger wrote his biography, 
and gave us the clearest notion of the life and work of the 
first Capetian king who approached greatness.* 

There was a real danger of the hereditary domain of the 
Capetians slipping away as completely from the control of 
the house of Capet as the more remote regions 
conquest of which Only acknowledged the king as suzerain, 
the royal •pjjg proprietor of the strong tower of Montlh^ry 
could block the road between Paris and Orleans, 
and the bishops and abbots of the Isle de France, the most 
faithful supporters of the crown, had to witness the constant 
aggressions of a swarm of petty tyrants. It was an everyday 
thing for the local lord to take up his quarters in a monas- 
tery, with his greedy following, steal the wine, com, and 
cattle of the hosts, and pollute the cloister with orgies and 
bloodshed. Conspicuous among these high-born brigands 

* Vie de Louis U Gros, par Suger. Ed. Molinier in Picard's Collection de 
textes pour servir 4 I'^tude et it renseignement de lliistoire. 

Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 277 

were Hugh of Le Puiset, the tyrant of the rich plains of La 
Beauce, and Thomas of Marie, a member of the house of 
Coucy, and the cruellest and most able of the barons of the 
royal domains. Louis vi. ever gladly responded to the com- 
plaints of a bishop or abbot against a baronial oppressor. 
He led countless expeditions against the barons of the Isle 
de France ; expeditions which were individually unimportant, 
but which in the aggregate completely revolutionised the 
position of the monarchy within its domain. He was as a 
rule successful, though his task was complicated by his insig- 
nificant enemies rallying to their support more formidable 
foes, such as the King of England or the Count of Blois, the 
most rebellious representatives of the great feudatories. 
Confident of the support of the clerks, the townsfolk, and 
the lesser people, the king was able, by his vigour and 
persistence, to crush the most formidable of his enemies. 
Hugh du Puiset, after repeated defeats, was forced to betake 
himself to the Holy Land. Thomas de Marie died a defiant 
captive of the prince that he had so often disobeyed. Louis' 
numerous campaigns kept clear the roads that united the 
royal towns, such as Paris, Orleans, Bourges, Sens, Beauvais, 
Mantes, Etampes, Senlis, Noyon, Montreuil. Before his 
death the baronage of the domain had learnt that the king 
was no mere suzerain, but an effective ruler. Moreover, 
Louis' triumphs in war enabled him largely to dispense with 
the disloyal assemblies of magnates who had claimed to direct 
his policy. The power of the state fell into hands that Louis 
could trust, like Suger and the bishops. Among laymen the 
barons were superseded by warriors and men of business, 
whose whole occupation was in the royal household. Three 
brothers of the family of Garlande had among the knights 
of the court the same pre-eminence that Suger had among 
the clerks ; and the fourth Garlande, Stephen, though tonsured, 
succeeded two of his brothers as royal seneschal, and was 
the only cleric who ever held that knightly office. 
The establishment of the royal authority over the royal 

278 European Hfstory,gi^-\27i 

domain was but analogous to the process which was going 
on all over France, and making the chief feudatories of the 
Louuvi. crown centres of stronger and better organised 
and the jreat patrimonies. Each of the leading states of France 
had become more self-centred, more concentrated 
within its own resources. As a natural consequence their 
relations with each other and with the crown assumed a 
different character. Each fief lived its own life apart, 
and followed a different course of development. Of all 
the French kings Louis vi. had the least frequent dealings 
with the great vassals of the crown. What relations he 
had remind us rather of international than of domestic 

In 1 106 Henry 1. of England became Duke of Normandy 
by the defeat of his brother Robert at Tinchebrai, and 
Louis VI. Louis VI. had to contend for the greater part of 
and Henry I. |^jg reign against him. Before long, two strong 
coalitions were formed under Louis and Henry. Louis 
supported the rebellious barons of Normandy, who hoped to 
make Robert's son, William Clito, their duke, and ultimately 
found more powerful allies in Baldwin vii. of Flanders and in 
Bertrada's son by Fulk le R^chin, Fulk v.. Count of Anjou. 
After Baldwin's death, Louis vi. secured the succession to 
Flanders for Charles of Denmark, whose brief reign of 
peace, justice, and benevolence secured for him the title 
of Charles the Good. Charles's murder in 1127 filled Europe 
with horror. Louis prevailed on the Flemings to accept 
William Clito as their next count, and to him Thierry of 
Alsace became a rival claimant. The Clito died in 11 28 
after destroying his prospects by his folly, and Louis was 
now forced to recognise Thierry. All through his reign 
he thus exercised a real influence over the course of Flemish 

Henry of England was equally active on his side. Be- 
sides his Breton vassals, he could rely upon the special 
enemies of Louis, the barons of the Isle dcf France. He 


Herbert I., Count of 

Vermandois and Ttoyes 

(''• 943)- 

Albert, Count 
of Vermandois, 
whose great-great- 
brought Ver- 
mandois to Hugh 
of France {d. iioi). 


Count of 


(rf. 968). 

Count of 
{<i- 993)- 

Stephen 1. 
of Troyes 
{d. 1019). 

Liutgardb, trt. Theobald I., 

the Old, first 


Count of 


Odo I., Count of Blois, 
' 995). 


Theobald II., 

Count of Blois 

{d. 1004). 

{d 09 

Stephen II., 

Count of Troyes, 


Odd II., 

Count of Blois, 

1004-1037 ; 

Count of Troyes, 


Theobald III., Count 

of Blois, 1037-1089 ; 

I. of Troyes, 1047-1089 

(commonly called Count 

of Champagne after the 

acquisition of the 

Counties of Vitry and 

Bar-sur-Aube, 1076). 

Odo II. 

of Champagne, 


Hugh I. 

of Champagne, 

1097-1125, d. in 

Holy Land. 

Stephen of Blois, 

1089-1 102, 

tn. Adela, daughter 

of William the 


Theobald IV., the Great, 

of Blois, 1102-1152 ; II. of 

Champagne, 1125-1152. 


of Boulogne, 

King of England. 


Bishop of 


Henry I., the Liberal, Alice, or Adela, 

of Champagne, 1152-1180, m. Louis VII. of France. 
m. Mary, daughter of | 

Louis VII. Philip II. of France. 

Henry XL, 

the Young, 

of Champagne, 

1180-1197 ; 

King of Jerusalem, 


tn. Isabella of 


Theobald V., the Good, William, 

of Blois, 1152-1x91, 

m. Alice, daughter of of Rheims. 

Louis VII. 


fn. Baldwin 
of Flanders, 


Theobald III. 

of Champagne, 


tn. Blanche, heiress 

of Navarre. 

Louis of Blois, 

Theobald VI., 

the Young, 

of Blois, 


who took Blois 
to the houses of 

Avesnes and 

Theobald IV., the Posthumous or the Great, 

of Champagne, 1201-1253 ; King of Navarre, 


Theobald v., the Young, 

of Champagne and Navarre, 



Henry III., the Fat, 

of Champagne and Navarre, 

1270-1274, Ttt. Blanche of Artois. 

Joan {d. 1305), m. Philip IV of France. 

28o European History ^ 918-1273 

became a warm partisan of Thierry of Alsace, and intrigued 

with the Flemish townsfolk, who were seldom on good terras 

. ... with their counts. Above all he had the power- 
Louis VI. 
and the ful support of his ncphcws, Theobald iv., Count 

House of Qf Biois surnamed the Great, and of his 


younger brother Stephen, who through his wife 
had become Count of Boulogne, and was later to become 
King of England. Theobald the Great was a much abler 
man than his brother, and the most rancorous and persistent 
of Louis vi.'s foes among the leading feudatories. In 1125 
he once more united the counties of Blois and Champagne, 
so that he could attack his suzerain both from the south 
and from the east. But the most powerful combinations 
of twelfth century diplomacy proved singularly weak when 
brought into action. Almost ceaseless war was waged 
between Louis and Theobald, and the struggles of Louis and 
Henry were only less constant. The desolating, unending, 
purposeless, and unskilful warfare of the twelfth century was 
utterly fruitless in results. It was enough for Louis that, 
despite some defeats, he held his own fairly well. 

Before the end of Louis' reign new complications ensued. 

In 1128, finding the hostility of Anjou a chief obstacle in the 

Louis VI. "^^y ^^ ^'s plans, Henry i. married his widowed 

•nd daughter and heiress, the Empress Matilda, to 

q t* ne. Q^Qfl^gy^ ^^ ^^^ j^^^j jjgj^ ^f j^jg q] j enemy Fulk 

of Anjou. The way was thus prepared for the Angevin 
Empire of Henry n., though the refusal of England to accept 
Matilda as Henry's successor in 1135 seemed for the moment 
to remove any imminent danger. While England received 
Stephen, Geoffrey of Anjou established himself a few years 
later as duke of Normandy. Soon after, Stephen's brother, 
Theobald of Blois, made his peace with Louis. More- 
over, two years later Louis negotiated another alliance that 
seemed to offer even greater prospects to the heir to the 
French throne. On Good Friday 1137 William x., Count of 
Poitou and Duke of Aquitaine, died on pilgrimage. He was 

Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 281 

the last male of his house, and his daughter Eleanor suc- 
ceeded peaceably to his great inheritance. William had 
wished that his daughter should marry Louis the Young, 
the eldest surviving son of his suzerain. In a few months 
the marriage was eflfected. The vast domains of Eleanor 
in Poitou, Saintonge, and Guienne at once doubled the 
domain of the crown, and made the young Louis immediate 
lord of most of the great barons between the Loire and the 
Pyrenees, But so long as the interests and feelings of south 
and north were so absolutely different, it was no great gain 
to a king, who had only just secured the overthrow of the 
feudal castles of the Seine and Oise, to begin in his old age 
a similar but more hopeless struggle on the Charente and the 

While Philip i. kept both Rome and Cluny in check, his 
son became the stalwart champion of the rights of the Church. 
It was his friendship for the Church that con- Louis vi. 
quered the Isle de France and made it possible and the 
for Suger to serve two such different masters as 
Louis VI. and St. Bernard. Louis vi. restored the strong 
alliance with the Papacy that prepared the way for the time 
when the French king could boast that he was ' the eldest son 
of the Church.' He ardently supported Innocent 11. against 
Anacletus, welcomed Innocent to his dominions, and attended 
the Council of Sens in 1131. Nevertheless he did not 
scruple to show priests and monks that he meant to be 
master in his own kingdom, making bishops as well as barons 
respect the royal justice, and never relaxing his rights over 
ecclesiastical appointments. Even when Suger was chosen 
abbot by the over-zealous monks of Saint-Denis, who had 
neglected to wait for the King's authonsation to elect, Louis, 
though he confirmed the election, put in prison the monks 
who brought him the news of their brethren's unconstitutional 
haste. Louis quarrelled with leading bishops like Ivo of 
Chartres and Henry of Sens. Indignation at Louis' treatment 
of his bishops drew Bernard from his retreat to denounce a 

282 European History^ 918-1273 

king who • persecuted not so much bishops, as the zeal for 
justice, and the habit of religion which he finds in them.' 
But these examples of friction were exceptional. If the clergy 
would but accept his authority, they could have no better 
friend than Louis vi. And besides his alliance with the 
Church, Louis vi, drifted gradually into an alliance with the 
lesser people, which reminds us of the constant champion- 
ship by the Norman kings of England of the popular 
as against the feudal party. The better peace that now 
prevailed throughout France made town life, trade and com- 
merce, possible on a larger scale than in the rough times 
The of absolute feudal anarchy. The communal 

communal movement was now beginning in northern 
movemen pj-ance, and though the king was far from 
being, as the older historians make him, the ' enfranchiser 
of the communes,' he was at least not fiercely hostile to the 
less revolutionary sides of the new movement.^ He issued 
a large number of charters to towns and villages under 
ecclesiastical control, which, though meant to help the 
Church, also tended to help forward the municipal move- 
ment Even more than this, his zeal to uphold sound justice 
was an incalculable boon to his people. The simple peasants 
saw in the good king a wonder-worker and a thaumaturgist, 
and were ready to give almost divine honours to the prince 
whom they celebrated as ' the Justiciar.' 

Ill health and anxiety wore out the health and spirits of 
Louis. His last days were full of trouble. He desired to 
retire to the home of his youth clad in the Benedictine garb, 
but he was too ill to be able to realise his wish. He died at 
Paris almost in the odour of sanctity, lamenting with his 
last breath that it was not the lot of man to combine the 
energy of youth with the experience of age. 

Louis VII., surnamed the Young, the eldest of the five sons 
that Adelaide of Maurienne bore to her husband, had already, 

* See on this subject Luchaire's Lti Communes /rartfaises i rtfoqut (Us 
CapUitns directs. 

Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 283 

when a child nine years old, been crowned at Reims by 
Innocent 11. He was still in his new Aquitanian domains 
when his father's death gave him the exclusive character of 
rule over France. Suger and the other ministers of i^"*" vii. 
the old king did their best to carry on still further the policy 
which had so much improved the position of the French 
monarchy. But Louis vii. was very unworthy to contmue the 
work of his strong and vigorous father. He is praised by the 
chroniclers for his honesty, simplicity, and benevolence. He 
was a fair soldier, but his love of peace made him reluctant 
to assume the sword, and his weakness and indecision of 
character often led him into deceit and double-dealing. The 
chief positive trait in his disposition was a rigid and monastic 
piety, which kept his private life pure, but led to scruples of 
conscience and hesitation in conduct that not a little unfitted 
him for the rude tasks of kingship. The feudal party soon 
realised his weakness, and Suger found that the work of Louis 
the Fat had to be done over again. If the petty lords of the 
Isle de France were still kept in check, the independent great 
vassals soon began to enlarge their pretensions. It was a 
time of feudal reaction all over Europe. The weak Stephen 
had succeeded Henry i., * the lion of righteousness,' in 
England. Conrad in., the slave of the Church, had re- 
placed the capable but limited Lothair of Supplinburg. Under 
Louis VII. the same tendencies manifested themselves in 
France. It speaks well for Louis vi. and Suger that it was a 
period of stagnation rather than of positive reaction in the 
fortunes of the French monarchy. 

The first ten years of Louis vii.'s reign were filled with 
petty and purposeless wars. In his zeal to assert the rights 
of his wife, Louis spent much time south of ^^ . ,, 

' ^ , . The first ten 

the Loire to the neglect of his more immediate years of 

interests in northern France. Besides useful but Louis vii., 

not very fruitful efforts to carry out in Eleanor's 

domains the policy of his father in the Isle de France, Louis 

led, in 1 141, an expedition against the Count of Toulouse, 

284 European History, 918-1273 

Alphonse Jordan, who had refused the homage claimed from 
him to the Duke of Aquitaine. The city of Toulouse offered 
him a vigorous and successful resistance, and the first direct 
action of a descendant of Hugh Capet in Languedoc did not 
increase the prestige of the royal power. Nor were affairs in 
the north much more favourable. All his monastic virtues did 
not prevent him quarrelling with Innocent 11., who had con- 
secrated Peter de la Chitre to the archbishopric of Bourges 
despite the strenuous efforts of the king to prevent his 
election (1141). As Louis would not yield, Innocent excom- 
municated him, declaring that he was a child who had to be 
taught the lesson of not resisting the authority of the Church. 
Bernard re-echoed the thunders of the Pope, though Suger 
remained true to his master. Graver danger set in when 
Theobald of Champagne, who up to this point had remained 
on good terms with Louis, took up the cause of Peter de la 
Chatre, and gave him a refuge within his dominions. Louis 
indignantly went to war against Theobald and invaded Cham- 
pagne. In the course of the campaign that ensued the king 
captured Vitry by assault. In the midst of the tumult the 
church, packed with fugitive townspeople, was set on fire, and 
more than a thousand men, women, and children were believed 
to have perished in the flames. Louis, terribly shocked at the 
sacrilege and slaughter, soon sought peace both with the 
Church and with Theobald, and allowed Peter de la Chatre to 
take possession of his see. Vitry was restored to Theobald, 
and Celestine 11., who had now succeeded the truculent 
Innocent, made no difficulty in absolving Louis (1144). But 
the massacre at Vitry still weighed on the king's conscience, 
and led him to seek expiation by taking the crusader's vow. 
In 1147 Louis and Eleanor set out for the Second Crusade. 
The disasters and miseries of that fatal expedition have 
d been already chronicled [see pages 1 91-193]. In 
Crusade, 1 1 5©, Louis camc back humiliated and defeated. 
ii47-"So* During his absence the aged Suger had striven 
with all his might to uphold the royal authority, though he 

Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 285 

had disapproved of the king's crusading project, and never 
ceased to urge upon him the necessity of a speedy return. 
His fears were more than justified, for all the spirits of dis- 
order took advantage of Louis' absence to disturb the realm. 
It was proposed to depose Louis in favour of his brother 
Robert, Count of Dreux. The return of the discredited king 
was quickly followed by the death of Suger (1152). With 
him expired the last hope of carrying on the work of national 
development at which he had so long laboured. To the first 
great error of the Crusade Louis now added his second mis- 
take of repudiating his wife. In both cases the king put his 
personal feeling above the interest of his house and realm. 
As his absence on crusade led to a new wave of feudal anarchy, 
so his divorce helped on the growth of the great Angevin 
power, which was, for the rest of his life, to put an insurmount- 
able obstacle in the way of the development of the French 

The relations between Louis and Eleanor had long been 
strained. After many years of barrenness, the two children 
which, as it was believed, came to the pair as the Divorce of 
result of the prayers of St. Bernard, were both girls, ^ouis vii. 

, ^ . *^ / , , . , , ° ' and Eleanor 

and Louis ardently desired a son and successor, of Aquitaine, 
There was, moreover, a strange contrast of char- "s^- 
acter between the weak, pious, and shifty king and the fierce, 
imperious, and ambitious queen. New grounds of dispute 
arose during the Crusade, when Eleanor strove to divert the 
French host from their projected march to Jerusalem in order 
that its presence might support her uncle Raymond of Antioch 
in his schemes for the aggrandisement of his principality. 
The relations of husband and wife became so bad that Suger 
wrote imploring the king to conceal his anger against the 
queen. After their return to France nothing but the influ- 
ence of Suger prevented a breach. Soon after his death, the 
question of divorce was formally raised. St. Bernard, still 
omnipotent over Louis' mind, approved the step. In March 
1152a church council held at Beaugency annulled the marriage 

286 European History, 918-1273 

on the ground of consanguinity. Eleanor withdrew to her 
own dominions, which were now again separated from the 
French crown. Anxious to do all in her power to spite her 
former husband, she offered herself in marriage to young 
Henry of Anjou. At Whitsuntide their marriage at Poitiers 
exposed the French monarchy to the gravest danger. So 
The rite of ^^"^2 ^^ ^^ chicf ficfs were held by separate and 
the House rival houses it was not impossible for the crown 
of Biois. jQ \^o\^ its own against them, but an aggregation 
of several great fiefs into the same hands might easily set up a 
rival power whose forces could overbalance the scanty strength 
of the king. The union of Chartres, Blois, and Champagne 
under Theobald the Great had been the gravest obstacle to 
the plans of Louis vi. The establishment of Theobald's 
younger brother in Boulogne, Normandy, and England would 
have been even more dangerous but for the incompetence of 
Stephen. Side by side with the union of several fiefs under the 
house of Blois, was the union of Anjou, Maine, and Normandy, 
brought about by the policy of Henry i. in marrying his 
daughter, the Empress Matilda, to Geoffrey, the son of Fulk 
of Anjou. These two amalgamations neutralised each 
other, when the accession of Stephen to England and Nor- 
mandy brought the old interests of Blois and Anjou into 
fierce antagonism, and for a time neither side won a pre- 
ponderating position over the other. Though Matilda the 
Empress failed to conquer England, her husband established 
himself in Normandy, and in 1144 received from Louis vii. 
the formal investiture of the duchy. In 1149 Geoffrey and 
The growUi Matilda handed over their Norman claims to their 
of Anjou. son Henry, now sixteen years old. In September 
1151 the death of Geoffrey made Henry Fitz-Empress (so the 
young prince was commonly described) sole lord of Normandy, 
Anjou, Maine, and Touraine, Anjou now rapidly prevailed 
over Blois. Young as he was, Henry had already a character 
and a policy. After his marriage with Eleanor he had 
a position in France far stronger than that of King Louis 

Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 287 

himself; from the Somme to the Pyrenees, from the Bay 
of Biscay to the mountains of Auvergne, Henry and Eleanor 
ruled directly or indirectly over the fairest half The Empire 
of France. Two years later, the death of Stephen of Henry 11. 
made Henry King of England. In 1158 Henry added 
to his possession the county of Nantes and re-enforced 
the old Norman claims of overlordship over Duke Conan of 
Brittany. Later he secured the hand of Constance, Conan's 
daughter and heiress, for his second son Geoffrey, who in 1 1 7 1 
peacefully succeeded his father-in-law as Duke of Brittany. 
Henry was equally successful in realising the many pretensions 
of Eleanor over the lands of south-western France. In 11 58 
Eleanor's claims to overlordship over the county of Toulouse 
led Henry to lead an expedition against Count Raymond v., 
who had succeeded his father Alphonse in 1148, and by his 
marriage with Constance, sister of Louis vii., and widow of 
Eustace of Boulogne, King Stephen's son, had united himself 
against the Angevin with the houses of France and Blois. The 
personal intervention of King Louis saved Raymond from abso- 
lute submission, though the peace transferred Cahors and the 
Quercy from Toulouse to the duchy of Aquitaine. In 11 73 
Henry accomplished his purpose. Henceforth the county of 
Toulouse, with its dependencies the Rouergue and the Albi- 
geois, became, by Raymond's submission, recognised depend- 
encies of Aquitaine. With equal energy Henry pressed his 
. claims to overlordship over Berri, where his aggressions were 
particularly unwelcome by reason of the large strip of royal 
domain which ran from Bourges southward. Henry also 
revived successfully the old Aquitanian claim to the overlord- 
ship of Auvergne, while his alliance with the rising house 
of Maurienne, now Counts of Savoy, gave him some com- 
mand of the upper Rhone valley and the chief passes over 
the Alps. The extraordinary ability of Henry made his com- 
manding position the more formidable. He was no mere 
feudal chief like the Counts of Blois, but a statesman capable 
of building up a mighty empire. 

288 European History, 918-1273 

After the consolidation of the Angevin Empire, Louis had 
to watch narrowly the actions of a vassal more powerful 

than himself. Before long war became almost 
Louis vii. chronic between him and Henry. It was not 
*"** that constant efforts were not made to secure peace 

and alliance. Henry married his eldest son to 
Louis' daughter, Margaret, receiving as her marriage portion 
the long-coveted possession of the Vexin. In 1162 Louis vii, 
and Henry again made common cause in favour of Alex- 
ander III. against the Antipope [see page 257]. During 
his exile in France Alexander frequented the dominions of 
Henry as much as he did those of Louis. It was in Henry's 
town of Tours that the council assembled that excommuni- 
cated the Antipope. Henry seemed too strong to make direct 
resistance of much avail. 

Before long Henry 11. fell into his quarrel with Archbishop 
Thomas of Canterbury, which gave Louis an opportunity ot 
adding to his rival's difficulties, by giving as much support as 
he could to his enemies. After Thomas's death Louis found 
an even better way of effecting this purpose by forcing Henry 
to divide his dominions among his sons, and then fomenting 
the discord that soon burst out between Henry and his wife 
and children. In 11 70 the young Henry, Louis' son-in-law, 
was crowned joint king with his father, after the French fashion. 
Geoffrey was already Duke of Brittany, and in 1172 Richard, 
the third son, was enthroned Duke of Aquitaine, and be- 
trothed to Alice, Louis vii.'s younger daughter. Louis soon 
persuaded the vain and weak Henry in. — so he was often styled 
— ^to make common cause with him against his father. In 
The War of 1 173 a wcU-devised conspiracy burst forth against 
ii73«ndii74. tiig power of Henry ii. The feudal party in 
England and Normandy, the King of Scots, and Henry's 
discontented vassals in Britain, made common cause with 
Louis VII. and the younger King Henry against the arch- 
enemy of the Capetian house. The vassals of France, who 
feared Henry more than Louis, joined the confederacy. 

Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 289 

and at their head were Geoffrey of Brittany and Richard 
of Aquitaine, and even Queen Eleanor herself. Among 
Louis' greater vassals Philip of Alsace (son of Thierry of 
Alsace), Count of Flanders, entered into the league. So 
did the sons of Theobald the Great — Henry the Libera], Count 
of Champagne, and Theobald v., the Good, Count of Blois, 
both married to Louis vii.'s daughters. The representative 
of the younger bianch of Blois, the Count of Flanders' 
brother, who ruled Boulogne as the husband of King 
Stephen's daughter Mary, also took up the hereditary policy 
of his house. The good luck and the genius of Henry pre- 
vailed over Louis and his associates, and in 1174 peace 
was patched up on conditions that left matters much as 
they had been before the war. Eleanor of Aquitaine, cap- 
tured as she was endeavouring to escape to her divorced 
husband's court, was the chief sufferer. She was immured in 
a prison, from which she hardly escaped during the rest of 
Henry ii.'s life. 

In the last seven years of his life Louis vii. made no 
sensible advance against Henry 11., but though beaten in the 
field, he had broken up the unity of the Angevin Progress 
power, and could still count upon the support of °^^^^ 

... .._. . , , Monarchy 

the sons of his enemy. His reign ended as under 
ingloriously as it had begun. Nevertheless, the ^°"'* ^^^• 
constant interest of the king in the policy of the remotest 
parts of the monarchy was a step forward in the royal opera- 
tions. The intervention of Louis in Toulouse, in Auvergne, 
in Burgundy, though not always successful, marked an 
advance over the incuriousness and indifference of his father's 
reign in matters not directly concerning the domain. He 
even looked beyond his kingdom into the Arelate, where 
Barbarossa's coronation in 11 78 was a source of inquietude 
to him. Moreover, Louis vii.'s constant friendship for the 
Church stood him in good stead in his dealings with his 
remoter vassals. His pilgrimages to distant shrines, to St. 
James of Compostella, to the Grande Chartreuse, and to the 


290 European Htstor)\ 918-1273 

new shrine of St. Thomas at Canterbury, spread his fame. 
The younger monastic orders, especially the Cistercians and 
the Carthusians, were his enthusiastic friends, and the 
unostentatious and timid support of a crowd of bishops 
and abbots gave Louis vii.'s reign its peculiar position in 
history. The chronicler tells us how, in Louis vii.'s days, 
war was rare, and the realm ruled peacefully and strenuously ; 
many new towns established, and ancient ones increased ; 
many forests were cut down ; and divers orders of religion 
marvellously multiplied in various parts of the land. 

Louis VII. was thrice married. His first two wives brought 
him daughters only. Eleanor of Aquitaine's children, Mary 
and Alice, became the wives of the two brothers, 
age, and Henry of Champagne and Theobald of Blois. 

death of Constancc of Castile, Louis' second wife, was the 

mother of Margaret, afterwards wife of the young 
king, Henry in., and of another Alice, long betrothed to his 
brother, Richard of Aquitaine. Fourteen days after Constance's 
death, Louis vii. married his third wife, Alice or Adela of 
Champagne, sister of his sons-in-law, Henry the Liberal 
and Theobald the Good. For five years they had no 
children, and Louis, fearing the division of his kingdom 
between his daughters, longed earnestly for a son. He 
visited Citeaux, and threw himself on his knees before the 
General Chapter that was in session, and only rose when he 
had been assured that God would soon answer his prayers. 
In August 1 165 the long-wished-for son was born at Paris, 
amidst heartfelt rejoicings, and was christened Philip, but soon 
became known by the surnames 'Godgiven' and 'Augustus.' 
When Philip was only fourteen years old, Louis vii. was 
stricken with paralysis. On All Saints' Day 11 79, he was 
crowned joint-king at Reims by his mother's brother, Arch- 
bishop William of Blois. In September 1180 the old king 
died, and Philip Augustus became sole King of France. 

In the first ten years of the reign of Philip 11., the fierce 
factions that had raged round the death-bed of Ix)uis vii. 

Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 291 

were continued. The chief influences to which the boy-king 
was exposed were those of PhiHp of Flanders, and of the 
house of Blois. Philip of Alsace had shown more than the 
usual energy and skill of a feudal prince in his administra- 
tion of Flanders. He is celebrated in Flemish history as 
the founder of ports and cities, the granter of charters of 
liberties, the maker of canals, the cultivator of sandy heaths 
and barren marshes, the strong administrator, the vigilant 
upholder of law, the friend and patron of poets and 
romancers. He also laboriously built up a great family 
connection, from which he hoped to establish a power such 
as might rival the aggregated fiefs of Blois or The early 
Anjou, and might well have anticipated the later y^^j^ of 
unions of the Netherlands under the Bavarian and Augustus, 
Burgundian houses. Himself lord of Flanders and "So-iiSg. 
Artois, Philip became, by his marriage with Isabella of Ver- 
mandois, the descendant of Hugh the Great the Crusader, 
Count of Amiens and Vermandois. His nephew Baldwin 
was Count of HainauU. His brother Matthew and his niece 
Ida were in succession Count and Countess of Boulogne. 
Moreover, Philip was the most trusted counsellor of tlie old 
age Of Louis vii., and the godfather of Philip Augustus. Just 
before Louis' death his influence was confirmed by the 
marriage of his niece, Isabella of Hainault, to the young king. 
Being childless, he promised that after his death Artois should 
go to his niece and her husband. 

The house of Blois had hoped much from the accession 
of a king whose mother was a Champenoise. But Philip 
of Flanders chased Adela of Champagne from the court, 
and showed a fierce hostility to her brothers. Theobald of 
Blois and Henry of Champagne were forced to make alliance 
with their old enemy, Henry of Anjou. William of Reims, dis- 
gusted that the Archbishop of Sens was called upon to crown 
the new queen, strove to act once again the part played 
by Thomas of Canterbury when the younger Henry was 
crowned by Roger of York. War seemed imminent between 

292 European History, 918-1273 

the two Philips, and a strong coalition that included the houses 
of Blois and Anjou, and a vast swarm of smaller feudatories, 
who rejoiced that the reign of a boy of fifteen bade fair to 
give them a chance of striking an effective blow against the 
power of their suzerain. But Philip of Flanders pressed his 
advantages too far. A natural reaction from the overbearing 
Count of Flanders soon drove King Philip towards his mother 
and her family. Henry of Anjou's mediation patched up 
peace between Philip 11. and his mother's kinsfolk, and 
enabled him to shake off his dependence on Philip of 

Peace did not last very long. For a short time Henry 11. 
was on good terms with the French king, and strove to per- 
suade him to associate himself with the declining fortunes of 
Henry the Lion, and swell the coalition against Frederick 
Barbarossa. But Philip 11. gave the deposed Saxon no 
effective help, and before long the old relations were restored. 
In 1 1 83 Philip was again backing up the rebellious sons of 
Henry 11. against their father, though the sudden death of 
Henry, the young king, quickly brought this struggle to an end. 
In the next year, 1184, Philip went to war against Philip of 
Flanders, who on the death of his wife, Isabella of Vermandois, 
in 1 1 S3, had kept possession of her lands, which Philip 11. had 
declared forfeited. So fierce a struggle seemed imminent that 
the Count of Flanders was glad to get the support of the house 
of Blois, which had now again drifted into opposition to the 
king. At the same time he called in the Emperor as a counter- 
poise against his other suzerain. But Philip of Flanders was 
afraid to face the great host which the French king now 
turned against him. He sought the intervention of Henry 11., 
who, in November 1185, personally negotiated the peace of 
Aumile, by which the Vermandois was added to the royal 
domain, and the promise of Artois and the Somme towns at 
the Count's death was renewed. It was the first real triumph 
of the young king's reign. 

Flushed by his success against Flanders, Philip 11. soon 

Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 


fell again into hostilities against Henry 11. He clamoured 
for the restoration of the Vexin, the marriage portion of his 
sister Margaret, widow of Henry the younger, but finally 


PI a nders 
.MontreiuiJ\ / ^* 



in 1189. 

Zandsufthe Ilouv ofBloia shaded thu^-L. i 

hountlanj c/iht kingdom thiis •«.»— ^ 

/toijal domai n shaded Ih u.«._ 

Doundarii nnhimjlls dm.iininns .*=<^*xxxx 

allowed it to remain in the English king's hands as the 
future portion for his other sister Alice, the promised bride of 
Richard of Aquitaine. But he still intrigued actively with 
Henry's disloyal sons. In 11 86 Geoffrey of Brittany went to 

294 European History, 918-1273 

Paris to plot new designs against his father, but was cut off by 
fever when still the French king's guest. Projects of crusade 
delayed for a time the weaving of the network of intrigue. 
But in 1 189 Philip again found Richard at war against his 
father. A sharp campaign was fought, which 
deaUiof resulted in the complete defeat of Henry 11., 
*'^'y""' who on 4th July 11 89 was forced to make a 
complete submission at Colombibres, and died 
two days afterwards. It was the second great triumph of 
Philip's reign. Though the Angevin heritage passed un- 
impaired to Richard, the new king was not statesman enough 
long to keep together so precarious an inheritance. Hence- 
forth the advantage was increasingly on Philip's 
the Third sidc. The Call to the Third Crusade postponed 

Crusade, jj^g inevitable struggle between them. But the 
X187-1189. °° 

historian of France may well pause at the death 

of Henry 11. The period of struggling and waiting was 

now almost over. In the later and more brilliant portion of 

his reign, the conqueror of Philip of Alsace and Henry of 

Anjou had to gather in the fruits of his victories. Yet the 

future position of France was already assured in the year that 

saw the death of the most resourceful of her enemies. 



Europe in 1187 — Preparations for the Third Crusade — Crusade and Death of 
Frederick Barbarossa — Destruction of the German Army— Crusade of 
Philip II. and Richard l. — Truce with Saladin — The Reign of Henry VI. 
— Henry's Coronation and first Italian journey — First attack on Apulia — 
German troubles — Captivity of Richard i. — Conquest of Apulia and 
Sicily — The Hereditary Empire and the Conquest of the East— Death of 

In the second half of the twelfth century limits had already 
been set to the worst forms of feudal anarchy, and strong 
and well-ordered states ruled by powerful kings ^^ 

■' ^ ° The state of 

had replaced the chaos of the Dark Ages. Europe after 
Frederick Barbarossa, if no effective lord of the V^'^ ^^^\ °^ 


world, exercised a very real authority over 
Germany, and even over Italy. Louis vi. and Louis vii. had 
put the resources of the French monarchy on a solid basis, 
and Philip Augustus was now preparing the way for still 
greater triumphs. Henry 11. had bound together his vast but 
heterogeneous empire so firmly that the power of Anjou was 
able to survive the blind knight-errantry of his successor. 
Even in the remoter parts of Europe the same tendency 

1 To the authorities mentioned in chapter viii., may be added for the 
Third Crusade, the Itinerarium Regis Ricardi (Rolls Series), with 
Dr. Stubbs' Introductions, Ambroi^e's Estoire de la guerre sainte, ed. G. 
Paris, and Archer's useful, though popular. Crusade of Richard I. Toeche's 
Kaiser Heinrich VI. is the standard modern authority for Henry vi.'s reign; 
some of its results are usefully criticised in Bloch's Forschungen zur Polilik 
Kaiser Heinrichs VI. in den Jahren 1191-1194. 


296 European History^ 918-1273 

manifested itself towards the growth of strong monarchies. 
The kingdoms of the east and north, barely redeemed from 
barbarism, saw rulers like Valdemar of Denmark and Ottocar 
of Bohemia. The kingdoms of divided Spain, the Norman 
dominion of Sicily, show the universal drift of the tide. 
Even the greater feudatories of the larger kingdoms were 
making themselves centres of an authority that was not far 
from being national. States like Toulouse and Provence, 
representing the growing national feeling of the south French 
nation; opulent and manufacturing Flanders, cutting itself 
apart from France and Germany alike, and even mere dynastic 
powers, like the house of Champagne and Blois, show how 
authority was becoming concentrated into few hands. If 
the unity of the German kingdom was still rather illusory, 
the dukes, counts, and margraves, who ruled over its larger 
subdivisions, were making themselves, like the great French 
feudatories, centres of a local feeling and of a local order, 
which, in days when the strongest king's arm did not reach 
very far, were real securities for peace and prosperity. 

When the terrible news that Jerusalem was once more in 
the hands of the infidel spread throughout Europe, the 
result of this development was seen in the shape taken by 
the movement to re-establish the Christian power in the East. 
In the eleventh century the Popes had preached, organised, 
and directed the Crusades. A hundred years later the Papacy 
had certainly not declined in influence. But it was no longer 
the only strong power in Europe. Absolutely it was what it 
had been in the days of Gregory and Urban. Relatively it 
was much less, since instead of a Henry iv., or Philip i., or 
a William Rufus, it had to deal with a Barbarossa, a Philip 
Augustus, a Henry of Anjou. Even the leadership of the 
Church, as St Bernard's career shows, was not necessarily 
given to the reigning Pope. While the First Crusade was the 
work of Urban 11., and the Second Crusade sprang from the 
efforts of St. Bernard, the Third Crusade was due to the 
prompt action of the great kings of Europe, and above all 

The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 297 

to Frederick Barbarossa. In the First Crusade the leadership 
of the Christian host fell to the lesser feudal princes, like the 
Count of Toulouse or the Count of Flanders. In the Second 
Crusade the Emperor and the King of France took the lead, 
but they went with insufficient resources, and left their 
dominions in disorder and anarchy. In the Third Crusade 
the three chief monarchs of Europe appeared at the head of 
well-equipped and fairly disciplined armies. However little 
successful they were, their failure was as much due to their 
taking with them on their pilgrimage their Western rivalries, 
as to their military insufficiency for their task. In each case 
they left their dominions well cared for and well governed, and 
in no case did their long absence from their homes stop the 
orderly development of their states. 

The absorption of the Western monarchs on their own 
territorial aggrandisement seemed for a time to lessen the force 
of the crusading impulse, and certainly during the thirteenth 
century led to the gradual decay of the crusading ideal. Europe 
was now breaking up slowly but surely into the great nations 
of modern times, and was inevitably losing a good deal of 
her consciousness of unity in the process. Even Frederick 
Barbarossa, filled as he was with his dreams of reviving the 
power of Rome, had been, as we saw, obliged to adopt a 
different policy in Germany and Italy, and had attained his 
greatest successes in proportion as he acted most fully as a 
German national king. To kings like Philip Augustus and 
Henry of Anjou, the Empire was a mere name, and they 
were conscious of no lord over them save God Himself. 
Such unity of feeling as remained in Europe was rather 
the result of common chivalrous and martial ideals, and the 
steady and persistent international influence of the Catholic 
Church, than of any ideal unity of the Christian state under 
the Roman Emperor. The kings of the West had too much 
work at home to give them much leisure to look abroad. If 
ambition, restlessness, or principle compelled them to take 
interest in the affairs of their neighbours, they had not yet 

298 European History, 918-1273 

attained sufficient strength to make tiieir intervention a 

It was harder to bring about a combined European 

movement in the days of Barbarossa tlian it had been in the 

days of Urban 11. But the news that the infidel 

Preparations ^ 

for the Third was oncc more lordmg it over the Holy Sepulchre 
^™"^' so profoundly stirred up the mind of Europe 
that all difficulties in the way of continued action 
were rapidly surmounted, and within three years of the fall of 
Jerusalem the best organised of the Crusades was already 
started. The Papacy proved true to its noblest traditions. 
It was universally believed that the fall, or the prospect of 
the fall, of the Holy City had proved Urban iii.'s death-blow. 
His successors, the enthusiastic Gregory viii. and the con- 
ciliatory Clement iii., strove, at great sacrifices, to heal the 
feuds of Pope and Emperor, and to assuage the rivalries 
of the monarchs of Europe, so that all might turn their 
resources to the Holy War. Within a few weeks of the 
receipt of the fatal news, orders were issued from Rome, 
calling on the faithful to unite to free Jerusalem from the 
infidel, enjoining public fasts and prayers, and offering ample 
indulgences and spiritual encouragements to such as would 
take the cross. The Cardinals talked of living on alms, 
and devoting their property to the Crusade, while they 
wandered through Europe, preaching the Holy War. 
Italy, so little moved as a rule by the crusading impulse, 
and so accustomed to make a heavy profit from the 
necessities of Northern and Western pilgrims, was all aglow 
with enthusiasm. The first succour sent to the East came 
from a Norman fleet from Naples and Sicily, which took up 
the work of Bohemund. William of Sicily turned to the 
succour of Antioch and Tyre the army which he had 
collected to attack Constantinople. Not much behind the 
Sicilians were the Scandinavian peoples, wlio were now for 
the first time brought within the range of the crusading 
movement If Norway, torn asunder by civil war, contributed 

The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI, 299 

but few Crusaders, thousands took the cross in Sweden and 
Denmark. But the individual efforts of the smaller states 
soon subordinated themselves to the action of the three 
greatest princes of Europe. Richard of Aquitaine was the 
first of Western rulers to take the cross in 1187. His 
father and Philip of France received the cross from the Arch- 
bishop of Tyre in the early part of 11 88. But though 
England and France could agree to levy a 'Saladin tithe,' 
to equip the crusading host, the hostility of their sovereigns 
postponed the Crusade until after Henry 11. 's death. When, 
in 1 1 89, Philip Augustus and Richard Coeur de Lion made 
themselves the leaders of the Third Crusade in the West, 
Frederick Barbarossa, with his German host, was already 
on his march for the East. Round these three monarchs 
goups the history of the Crusade. 

Frederick Barbarossa was the first to start. In the spring 
of 1 189, the German Crusaders gathered together at Ratisbon. 
Great pains were taken to provide money and Crusade and 
equipment as well as men, and every precaution p^^V^".*^. 
to avoid the swarm of unarmed pilgrims and Barbarossa, 
penniless fanatics, who had destroyed the dis- ^089-1191. 
cipline and military efficiency of earlier crusading armies. In 
May the German host started on the dangerous land route 
through Hungary, Greece, and Asia Minor. The friendship 
of Bela III. of Hungary made the first part of the journey 
easy. Much time was wasted through the treachery of the 
Eastern Emperor, Isaac Angelus, yet Isaac dared not face 
the open hostility of the Germans, and at last made his 
submission. Winter was now at hand, and Frederick thought 
it prudent to rest at Adrianople. In March 1 190 the Germans 
resumed their march. April saw them in Asia, on the borders 
of the kingdom of Roum, where Kilidj Arslan proved as 
plausible and as treacherous as Isaac. But, like Isaac, the 
Sultan feared provoking their direct hostility, and after many 
delays and difficulties, the Christian army was allowed to 
proceed. By June the Crusaders were descending the passes 

300 European History, 918-1273 

of the Taurus into Cilicia, then part of the Christian kingdom 
of Armenia. On reaching the banks of the Salef, the old 
Emperor, against the advice of his followers, sought refresh- 
ment and the shortening of his journey by swimming over the 
river. But the swift current swept him away, and the sorrow- 
ful warriors could only rescue his lifeless body from the 

Up to this point the German expedition had been decidedly 
successful. But the utter consternation that fell upon it 
after the Emperor's death did more for Islam than the 
tricks of Kilidj Arslan and the deserts and defiles of Asia 
Minor. Many knights hastened to the coast and took ship 
home. Duke Frederick of Swabia, Barbarossa's second son, 
assumed the command of the dispirited remnant, which, after 
resting a while in the friendly land of the Arrne- 

Destruction . ° i o • mi • ,. . . 

of the mans, entered Syria. The rems of disciplme were 

German ^(y^ hopelcssly relaxed. The army broke up into 

various bands, and the disconnected fragments 
were so severely handled by the Saracens that German slaves 
were cheap for many a day in every market of Syria. Duke 
Frederick at last reached Antioch, where he buried the perish- 
able parts of his father's body in the church of St Peter. 
The plague now decimated the much tried host, and only a 
miserable remnant followed Duke Frederick to join in the 
siege of Acre. Before long the Duke of Swabia died, and the 
Germans were now so utterly demoralised that they lost the 
sacred bones of their Emperor, which they had preserved in 
the hope of giving them a worthy tomb in the Church of the 
Holy Sepulchre. The great German army was of less account 
in Palestine than the scattered bands that came from Lower 
Germany by sea and finally got to Acre after doing good 
service against the Moors in Spain, or the little host that 
had sailed from Brindisi under the Landgrave Louis of 
Thuringia, and also reached Syria in safety. 

The German Crusade had already been undone when the 
kings of France and England met at V^zelai and marched 

The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 301 

thence to Marseilles. A gallant army accompanied them, 
conspicuous among the leaders of which were Hugh, Duke 
of Burgundy, Theobald v. of Blois (the son and c ad f 
successor of Theobald the Great), Henry 11., phiiip 
Count of Champagne (the Count of Blois' nephew), f'^"f'^*"' 
and Philip of Alsace, the aged Count of Flanders. Richard i., 
In September 11 90 both kings had reached ^^^90-1192. 
Sicily, where they passed the winter, detained by the critical 
state of the island. William the Good had died in November 
1 189, and his throne should have passed to his aunt Con- 
stance's husband, the new king of the Romans, Henry vi. 
But the rule of the northerners was not popular in Sicily. 
Despite the efforts of Walter Archbishop of Palermo to keep the 
Sicilian grandees true to their oaths, the national Tancred of 
party, headed by the chancellor Matthew, passed siciiy and 
over Constance, and gave the throne to Tancred, Cyprus, 
Count of Lecce, a young, vigorous, warlike, and "89-1191. 
popular prince. Tancred was a bastard son of Duke Roger, 
King Roger's eldest son, who had died before his father. As the 
determined foe of the Hohenstaufen, Richard bore no ill-will 
to Tancred, and, with a little more statecraft, would have seen 
the wisdom of gaining his friendship. But Richard often ne- 
glected policy for adventure, and was perhaps seized by a wild 
desire to conquer Sicily. Tancred had rashly imprisoned King 
William's widow, Joanna, who was Richard i.'s sister, and 
had deprived her of her dowry. On Richard's arrival. King 
Tancred released the lady, but still kept her lands. But 
Richard took Messina by storm, ' quicker than a priest could 
chant matins,' and forced Tancred to surrender his sister's 
portion. He stayed in Sicily all the winter, and at the 
time of the spring passage, Richard and Philip set sail for 
the Holy Land. On the way Richard conquered Cyprus, 
then ruled by the Comnenian prince Isaac, who was called 
Emperor of Cyprus, and had won an ill name for his ill- 
concealed alliance with Saladin and his bad treatment of 
prankish pilgrims. 

302 European History^ 918-1273 

The affairs of the Christians in Palestine seemed utterlj 
desperate. Guy of Lusignan [see pp. 193-195], who had 
Capture of ^^^^ released by Saladin on promising to relin- 
Acre, 1191. quish the crown, had been absolved from his oath 
by the clergy, and now again called himself King of Jeru- 
salem, though Conrad of Montferrat held Tyre against him, 
and the Christians were hopelessly divided. Nevertheless 
Guy, with the help of the first Crusaders, had under- 
taken the siege of Acre, the most important of the Saracen 
conquests after Jerusalem itself. But the Saracens, who came 
to the relief of Acre, were themselves strong enough to 
besiege the besiegers, who were soon in a terrible plight. 
The constant arrival of fresh Crusaders, and the need of 
dividing Saladin's army to deal with Barbarossa, enabled 
Guy to hold his own until the spring of 1191, when Saladin 
renewed his blockade. In despair Guy hurried to Cyprus and 
begged for Richard's help. Philip reached the camp in 
April, and Richard early in June. Saladin now retired, and 
the siege of Acre was renewed. In July the standard of the 
Cross again floated over its walls. 

The Western army had taken with them to Palestine 
their national jealousies, and the quarrels of the rival 
claimants for the throne of Jerusalem brought these animosities 
to a crisis. Philip looked upon Ricliard with deadly hatred 
as his most formidable rival, and Richard's insulting repudia- 
tion of his long-plighted faith to Alice, Philip's sister, and 
his marriage with Berengaria of Navarre at Cyprus, would 
have irritated a colder man than the French king. Conrad 
Rivalry oi °^ Montfcrrat was urged by the great nobles of 
Guy of Palestine to claim the throne, since Sibyl and her 

^"d c"*" d children were already dead, and Guy's title to 
of Mont- the throne had entirely disappeared. Isabella, 
ferrat. Sibyl's younger sister, now repudiated her hus- 

band, Henfrid of Toron, married Conrad, and transferred to 
him her claims to the succession. While these disputes were 
raging the army remained inactive, but at last a compromise 

The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 303 

was patched up by whicii Guy kept the royal title but shared 
his power with Conrad, who was appointed his successor. 
No sooner was this done than Phih'p Augustus started home. 
Freed from his presence Richard marched against the infidel, 
and performed prodigies of valour. But his army was break- 
ing up through sickness, death, and desertion. Many of the 
French had gone back with Philip. The plague had carried 
off Theobald of Blois and Philip of Alsace. Hugh of Bur- 
gundy, who died in Palestine in 11 93, and Henry of Cham- 
pagne, were now the chief French Crusaders. Despite the 
arrangement between Guy and Conrad their rivalry burst out 
afresh, and Conrad became so strong that Richard acknow- 
ledged him king. Soon after, Conrad's murder by the 
emissaries of the ' Old Man of the Mountain ' renewed the 
troubles, though they were for a time satisfactorily settled 
when Isabella, Conrad's widow, married Henry of Cham- 
pagne, who was now accepted as king, both by Henry of 
the Crusaders and the Syrian Franks. Richard Champagne 
magnanimously compensated Guy by handing Jerusalem 
over Cyprus, where the house of Lusignan reigned "92- 
as kings until the latter part of the fifteenth century. At 
length th||war with Saladin was renewed. But the Crusaders 
were decimated with sickness and weary of their enterprise, 
while the elaborate courtesies, now exchanged between the 
Christian and Mohammedan armies, showed that the long 
intercourse of Frank and Saracen had destroyed the bigotry 
and acerbity that had marked the earlier dealings ^ 

■' ° Truce with 

of the two hosts. In September 1192 a truce Saiadin, and 
was made by which Jaffa was left in Christian ^^. °! *^^ 

■' "^ Third 

hands and free access to Jerusalem was allowed Crusade, 
to pilgrims, though the Holy City remained ruled ^^^^' 
by the Mohammedans. In October Richard left Palestine, 
and next year Saladin died. With the passing away of the 
two mighty antagonists the great epoch of the Crusades ended. 
Even before this the Third Crusade had shown that a Europe, 
broken up into rival states, whose kings carried their animosities 

304 European History, 918-1273 

with them even when they fought as soldiers of the Cross, 
was less capable of upholding the Frankish power in the 
East than even the tumultuous throngs of feudal chieftains 
and adventurers, who had first established it. Yet the Third 
Crusade had given a new lease to the Christian power in Syria. 
Acre now became what Jerusalem had been in the twelfth 
century, and the Latin kingdom of Cyprus afforded a good 
basis for future operations against the infidel, and bound the 
East and West together as they had never been bound before. 
If the Third Crusade marked the end of the heroic period, it 
made easy the regular flow of bands of armed pilgrims, every 
spring and autumn passage, on which the future destinies of 
the Latin East depended. 

The short but most important reign of Henry vi. brings out 
Henry VI.. clcarly that intimate interconnection of all Western 
1190.1197. and Eastern politics which the Crusade had already 
strikingly illustrated. The puny frame and delicate constitu- 
tion of the young king stood in marked contrast to the physi- 
cal strength and vigour of his father. But his strong features 
expressed sternness and determination, and his mental gifts 
and character were in no wise inferior to those of Barbarossa. 
He was as good a general, as active and strenuous a politician, 
as the old king. His policy shows a daring originality to 
which his father could make no claim. But the broader, 
nobler sides of Barbarossa's character were but little repre- 
sented in that of his son. He carried out ambitious schemes 
with cold-blooded selfishness, ruthless cruelty, and greedy 
treachery. Yet his general objects were far-reaching, and not 
wanting in nobility, and he ever showed a rare self-restraint. 
The inheritor of his father's great work, the husband of the 
heiress of Sicily, Henry had visions of a power which was not 
limited to Germany and northern Italy. He dreamt of an 
Empire as universal as the Empire imagined by Otto 111. 
Like Otto, he strove to make Italy rather than Germany the 
centre of his power. Like Otto also, he reigned too short a 
time to carry out his ideals. But, unlike Otto, he strove to 

The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 305 

realise his ambitions in a thoroughly practical and masterly 
way. In his reign of eight years he had only one failure. 

From the moment that the departure of Barbarossa had 
left King Henry the virtual ruler of Germany, grave diffi- 
culties encompassed his administration. Henry Return of 
the Lion returned, Liibeck opened its doors to Henry the 
its founder, and was soon in a position to dispute **"*' "^' 
the supremacy of Saxony with the bishops and barons who 
had divided his ancient powers. In the summer of 11 90, 
the mediation of the Archbishops of Cologne and Mainz 
concluded the Treaty of Fulda, by which the king allowed 
Henry the Lion's restoration, and gave him half the revenues 
of Liibeck. It was worth while to buy off opposition when 
the news of the recognition of Tancred by the Pope required 
Henry's immediate presence in Italy to vindicate the claims of 
his wife Constance to the Sicilian throne. Hardly less alarming 
was the news of the long sojourn of Richard of England in 
Messina, and of his treaty with the usurper Tancred. It 
seemed as if Richard, the brother-in-law of Henry the Lion, 
and the strenuous supporter of the Guelfs, was becoming the 
bond of union between the enemies of the Hohenstaufen 
in northern Germany and southern Italy. The news of 
Barbarossa's death now further complicated the position. 

Early in 1191 Henry vi. crossed the Alps to Italy. 'The 
mutual rivalries of the Lombard cities made it improbable 
that he would have much difficulty with the Henry vi 's 
north. He prudently sought the friendship Coronation 
of both the rival leagues, whose feuds were now i^a^jj^n^* 
distracting Lombardy. He won the support of journey, 
Pisa and Genoa, which alone had fleets strong "5*" 
enough to convey him to Sicily. In his anxiety to isolate 
Tancred, he strove to conciliate Clement iii, who had been 
allowed to live in Rome on the condition of recognising the 
autonomy of the city. But in March 1191 the ceiestineiii., 
pacific Clement died, and his successor, the "9i-"98. 
Roman Cardinal Hyacinth, who took the name of Celestine in., 


306 European History, 918-1273 

was a weak and petulant old man of more than eighty years 
of age, who feared both the union of the Empire and Sicily, 
and an open breach with Henry. 

Henry demanded his coronation as Emperor, and Celes- 
tine strove to defer it by postponing his own consecra- 
tion as Pope. Henry now marched to the neighbourhood 
of Rome, and took possession of Tusculum, which, in its 
bitter haired of the Romans, had implored for an imperial 
garrison. He resolved to hasten his coronation by winning 
over the Romans, and with that object he treacherously 
handed over Tusculum to them. The Romans wreaked a 
hideous vengeance on their hated enemy. Tusculum was 
so absolutely demolished that no later attempt was ever made 
to repeople it. In later times Frascati, lower down the hill, 
became a populous town ; but the ruins of Tusculum still testify 
to the completeness of the Romans' vengeance. Henry's 
stroke of policy met with immediate success. On April 14th 
Celestine was consecrated, and next day he crowned Henry 
and Constance. 

Triumphant over the Papacy, Henry now marched against 

Tancred. At first he was conspicuously successful, and 

„ .. , Naples alone still held out for Tancred. It was 

Failure of . 

the attack besicgcd by Henry on the land side, while the 
on Apulia, galleys of Pisa and Genoa blocked all access to it 
by sea. The strenuous resistance of Naples soon 
shattered the Emperor's hopes. The Sicilian admiral, Mar- 
garito, drove away the Pisans, and re-opened communication 
between Naples and Sicily. The south Italian summer 
brought plague and fever into the German host. A fierce 
national reaction against the Northerners swept through 
southern Italy. Baffled and beaten, Henry raised the siege 
and returned to Germany. 

Henry of Brunswick, the eldest son of Henry the Lion, 
who had accompanied the Emperor to Italy as a hostage, 
escaped from the imperial camp, and established an alliance 
between Tancred and the Guelfs. During the king's absence 

The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 307 

in Italy, Henry the Lion had broken the Peace of Fulda, 
and was waging war against his Saxon enemies. On the 
king's return to Germany, a struggle between 
the Guelfs and the Hohenstaufen seemed inevit- German 
able. However, Henry vi, still made it his main troubles, 
object to conquer Naples and Sicily, and Henry 
the Lion was too old and too fearful of fresh banishment 
to risk everything once more. Accordingly, negotiations 
were entered into between the two, and a reconciliation 
seemed likely to ensue. But the German magnates were 
more afraid of the Guelfs than the Emperor, The Saxon 
and pressed him to go to war against Henry troubles and 

T . » , • XX , , the Li6ge 

the Lion. At last, in 1192, Henry took the succession, 
field against the Guelfs. A new compHcation "9*- 
followed. There had been a disputed succession to the see of 
Liege, which had given Henry a chance to annul the two rival 
elections, and appoint Lothair of Hochstaden as bishop. It 
was a glaring violation of the Concordat of Worms, and a 
direct defiance of the spiritual power. The stronger of the 
wronged claimants, Albert of Brabant, appealed to the Pope, 
and obtained his recognition. Unable to get hallowed as bishop 
by his own metropolitan at Cologne, Albert went to Reims, 
to seek consecration from a foreign prelate. Three knights, 
vassals of Li^ge and servants of the Emperor, followed Albert 
to Reims, and murdered him, in November 1192. A great 
sensation was created by the dastardly deed, which in many 
ways recalled the murder of St. Thomas of Canterbury twenty- 
two years before. But Henry managed to escape direct 
ecclesiastical censure, though the murderers afterwards re- 
ceived fiefs from him in Italy. However, the 
barons of the Rhineland, already disaffected at of the 
Henry's masterful policy, and resenting his Rhineland, 
neglect of the magnates for his faithful officials, ^^^^* 
took the opportunity to revolt, and, joining the rebellious 
Guelfs, raised up a formidable opposition to the Emperor, 
and talked of transferring the crown to their leader, the Duke 

3o8 European History ^ 918-1273 

of Brabant. But fortune was on Henry's side. At the same 
time as the news of the rebellion came the joyful tidings that 

Richard of England, returning in disguise from 
and ransom the Holy Land, had been captured by Leopold, 
of Richard 1., Duke of Austria, who brought a series of charges 

against him, and handed him over to the 
Emperor. Philip of France, and John, Richard's brother, 
pressed the Emperor to keep the captive as long as he could, 
and Richard remained more than two years in prison, but 
the delay was due to his unwillingness to accept the hard 
conditions imposed upon him. At last Richard was forced 
to agree to the Emperor's terms, and in June 11 93 purchased 
his release in the Treaty of Worms. Richard was forced to 
pay a vast ransom and to renounce his alliance with Tancred. 
But the hardest condition was the surrender of the English 
crown to the Emperor, which in February 1194 Henry 
formally handed back to Richard as a fief of the Empire. 
Some compensation was given to Richard's wounded feel- 
ings by a grant to him of the kingdom of Aries, which 
had some importance as a fresh declaration of hostility 
against Philip of France. Moreover, Henry cleverly used 
Richard to procure peace in Germany. Henry the Lion 
yielded to his brother-in-law's pleadings, and again made 
his submission. Even the barons of the lower Rhine 
were not unmoved by his appeals. Richard's departure 
left Germany at peace with the Emperor, and his ransom 
made easy a fresh expedition against Tancred.^ Henry of 
Brunswick, Henry the Lion's eldest son, was married to a 
cousin of the Emperor, Agnes, daughter of Conrad, Count 
Palatine of the Rhine, and the Emperor's uncle. The Em- 
peror promised him the succession to the Palatinate, and 

' Among ihe numerous treatises written in Germany on the political 
significance of Richard l.'s captivity may be mentioned, besides Toeche 
and Bloch, Kindt's Criinde dcr Gefangenschaft Richardi I. von England, 
and Kneller's Des Richards Lbwenherz deutsche Gefangenschaft. Com- 
pare English Ilislorica! Review, viii. 334-336, and ix. 746 

The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 309 

Henry promised to join in the Sicilian expedition. In 11 95 
Henry the Lion ended his long and turbulent career. The 
Emperor was now free to turn his attention to Italy. His 
self-restraint and his good luck had carried him over his diffi- 
culties in Germany. His greatest merit was that, however 
proud he was of his mighty position, he never left out of 
sight the necessity of subordinating all minor aims to his 
desire to win Naples and Sicily. His moderation against 
Henry the Lion, his reconciliation with Richard, his rejection 
of the tempting offers of France, and his vast concessions to 
the German nobles, now attained their object. 

During Henry's absence in Germany, the imperial cause 
in Italy had declined. Nevertheless Henry had kept up con- 
stant communications with his Italian partisans, 
and had observed a very careful policy with itaii^ 
regard to the Lombards. He has often been poUcy, 
accused of striving to restore his father's schemes "^'""*'" 
of supremacy in Italy by violating the Treaty of Constance 
and seeking again the abasement of the Lombards. But the 
charge is no more just than the one of extravagant hostility 
against the Guelfs. As a matter of fact, Henry strove to 
postpone all other troubles in order to get his hands free 
to secure his wife's inheritance. He saw that Lombardy, 
after Constance, had fallen back into her ancient feuds, 
and that two leagues, one headed by Milan, the other by 
Cremona, had arisen, both equally indifferent to the Empire, 
and both equally willing to invoke its aid to crush the local 
enemy. Henry strove to make treaties with both confederacies, 
while he cheerfully replenished his coffers from the treasuries 
of both Milan and Cremona, and did his best to end the war. 
He established his brother Philip in Tuscany. Genoa and 
Pisa again provided him with ships. The Norman kingdom, 
isolated from its wonted allies, had to meet him single-handed, 
save for the timid support of Celestine in. 

Tancred prepared manfully for the struggle. He obtained 
in 1T92 the formal investiture of Apulia and Sicily from 

3 1 o European History, 918-1273 

Celestine in. He procured the coronation of his young son 
Roger as joint-king, and negotiated a marriage for him 
Con uestof ^^^^^ Irene, daughter of the Greek Emperor 
Apulia and Isaac Angclus. He strenuously and successfully 
Sicily, 1194. j^gjj j^jg Q^j^ against the Emperor's lieutenants. 
But all his hopes were destroyed by the young King 
Roger's .death, and soon after Tancred himself died. 
The national party set up his eldest surviving son as King 
William in., but in May 1194 Henry again reached Italy, 
and invaded the defenceless south. There was a mere show 
of resistance. By November Palermo was in the hands of 
the Emperor, and on Christmas Day he received the Sicilian 
crown in the cathedral. The young King William was 
sent, blinded and mutilated, to die obscurely in a German 
convent. The last upholders of the national power, including 
the Admiral Margarito, soon perished in gloomy dungeons. 
The very family of Tancred now secured its patrimonial 
possessions by a timely recognition of the rival. At Easter 
1195 Henry was able to return to Germany, leaving Constance 
as regent, with the tried court official, Conrad of Urslingen, 
now Duke of Spoleto, as her chief adviser. The officials 
from the lower German nobility, who had served Henry so 
well in Germany, were intrusted with the administration of his 
new inheritance, and soon abased the great Norman houses. 

Never was an Emperor stronger since the days of Charle- 
magne. All Italy was directly under his rule. The Pisan and 
Heniya Gcnocsc fleets conquered Corsica and Sardinia in 

triumph and hisname. His troops occupied the patrimony of 

further /-.-r. ii- /v- ■t.r i ti/-. •, 

projects, St. Peter, and his officer Markwald of Anweilei 
1194-1197. ^as lord of Ancona and Romagna. His alliance 
with the Roman Senate kept Celestine in. from doing any 
mischief. Germany was obedient The King of England was 
his vassal, and the heir of the Guelfs his follower and supporter. 
To add to his triumph, Constance, the day after his coronation 
at Palermo, bore him the long-prayed-for heir, the future 
Frederick n., called Frederick and Roger after his two famous 

The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 311 

grandfathers. Before long the kings of the East sought 
his friendship and support. The Lusignan King of Cyprus 
boasted that he was the vassal of the Latin Empire. The 
King of Armenia received his ambassadors. Henry's brother, 
Philip of Swabia, now made Marquis of Tuscany and lord 
of the inheritance of the Countess Matilda, married young 
Roger's widow Irene, an alliance that made Isaac Angelus the 
close connection of his Western rival. Three great ambitions 
henceforth possessed Henry's soul. He would make the 
Empire hereditary in his own house, and unite for ever the 
German and th/i Sicilian thrones. He would rule Europe 
from Italy as a centre. He would make himself lord of the 
East, setting on foot a Crusade that would conquer the 
schismatic Greeks, and establish the Latin power in the whole 
East under his control. Wild as his schemes seemed, his 
extraordinary successes made them not altogether visionary. 

On returning to Germany, Henry sought to persuade the 
princes to agree that the Empire, like the French monarchy, 
should henceforth descend from father to son. Theheredi- 
At the Diet of Wurzburg, in April 1196, more than ^^"^ Empire, 
fifty of the princes agreed to his proposals. But the strenuous 
opposition of Adolf, Archbishop of Cologne, and the conser- 
vative magnates of Saxony taught Henry that it was no time 
to persevere in an unpopular request. He contented himself 
for the moment with procuring the election of the two-year-old 
Frederick Roger as German king at Frankfurt, and in winning 
over many of the German nobles to his Eastern projects. 

Before the end of 1196 Henry was again in southern Italy. 
The very Pope was now on his side. Celestine, delighted at 
the prospect of a new Crusade, forbore to press Henry to 
discharge the long- deferred homage which every Sicilian king 
had paid to the Papacy. During his absence the tyranny 
of the German officials had proved too grievous to be borne, 
and a formidable Sicilian conspiracy had been formed against 
them. Henry now stamped out all opposition with incredible 
brutality and harshness. Fresh from the hideous tortures of 

3 1 2 European History, 918-1273 

his victims, Henry now threw himself with all his might into 

his schemes of Eastern conquest. The new Greek Emperor, 

Alexius III., was summoned to surrender all provinces east of 

Thessalonica as part of the Sicilian inheritance, and cheerfully 

agreed to pay a heavy tribute to avert the threatened attack. 

Meanwhile a vast swarm of German warriors had collected in 

The Con- Sicily and Apulia under the pretence of the new 

quest of Crusade. In September the first ships sailed 

the East, from Messlna to Acre. But in the moment of the 

realisation of his ambitions a sudden fever cut down the great 

Death of Emperor. On 28th September Henry vi. died at 

Henry VI., Mcssina when he was only thirty-two years of age. 

"^' Before his ashes were laid beside his Sicilian 

ancestors in the cathedral at Palermo, his brilliant schemei 

were hopelessly shattered. 



Character and theories of Innocent in. — The Sicilian Succession and the 
Minority of Frederick il. — The Subjection of Rome and the Patrimony 
of St. Peter — Innocent and Germany — Rivalry of Philip of Swabia and 
Otto of Brunswick — Innocent and Philip Augustus — The Pope as Feudal 
Lord— Otto IV. and Frederick II. — The Crusades— Innocent's Religious 
Position — The Lateran Council. 

After the great Emperors came the great Pope. Within four 
months of the death of Henry vi., Celestine in. had been 
succeeded by Innocent in., under whom the j . ^ ^j. 
visions of Gregory vii. and Alexander in. at last innocent in., 
became accomplished facts, the papal authority "^' 
attained its highest point of influence, and the Empire, raised 
to such heights by Frederick Barbarossa and Henry vi., was 
reduced to a condition of dependence upon it. 

The new Pope had been Lothaire of Segni, a member of 
the noble Roman house of Conti, who had studied law and 
theology at Paris and Bologna, and had at an early age won 
for himself a many-sided reputation as a jurist, a politician, and 
as a writer. The favour of his uncle, Clement in., had made 
him Cardinal before he was thirty, but under Celestine in. 
he kept in the background, disliked by the Pope, and 

1 The late M. Luchaire has recently published studies of the chief 
aspects of Innocent, ill.'s career in four little volumes, popular in form, but 
solid in substance. Milman's Latin Christianity, vol. v., will be found 
useful as far as it goes. The imperial history is treated in detail by 
Winkelmann, Philipp von Schtvaben und 01 to IV. von Braitnschweig. 


3 1 4 European History, 918-1273 

himself suspicious of the timid and temporising old man. But 
on Celestine's death on 8th January 1198, Lothaire, though still 
only thirty-seven years of age, was at once hailed as his most 
fitting successor, as the strong man who could win for the 
Church all the advantages that she might hope to gain from 
the death of Henry vi. Nor did Innocent's Pontificate belie 
the promise of his early career. 

Innocent iii. possessed a majestic and noble appearance, 
an unblemished private character, popular manners, a disposi- 
character '^°" prone to suddcn fits of anger and melan- 
and theories of choly, and a fierce and indomitable will. He 
Innocent III. ^j-ought to his cxaltcd position the clearly formu- 
lated theories of the canonist as to the nature of the papal 
power, as well as the overweening ambition, the high courage, 
the keen intelligence and the perseverance and energy neces- 
sary to turn the theories of the schools into matters of everyday 
practice. His enunciations of the Papal doctrine put claims 
that Hildebrand himself had hardly ventured to advance in 
the clearest and most definite light. The Pope was no mere 
successor of Peter, the vicegerent of man. ' The Roman 
pontiff",' he wrote, 'is the vicar, not of man, but of God 
Himself.' * The Lord gave Peter the rule not only of the 
Universal Church but also the rule of the whole world.' 
' The Lord Jesus Christ has set up one ruler over all things 
as His universal vicar, and as all things in heaven, earth 
and hell bow the knee to Christ, so should all obey Christ's 
vicar, that there be one flock and one shepherd.' 'No king 
can reign rightly unless he devoutly serve Christ's vicar.' 
'Princes have power in earth, priests have also power in 
heaven. Princes reign over the body, priests over the soul. 
As much as the soul is worthier than the body, so much 
worthier is the priesthood than the monarchy.' * The Sacer- 
dotium is the sun, the Regnum the moon. Kings rule over 
their respective kingdoms, but Peter rules over the whole 
earth. The Scuerdotium came by divine creation, the Regnum 
by man's cunning.* In these unrestricted claims to rule over 

Europe in the Days of Innocent III., ii 98-1 216 315 

Church and State alike we seem to be back again in the 
anarchy of the eleventh century. And it was not against the 
feeble feudal princes of the days of Hildebrand that Inno- 
cent III. had to contend, but against strong national kings, 
like Philip of France and John of England. It is significant 
of the change of the times, that Innocent sees his chief 
antagonist, not so much in the Empire as in the limited 
localised power of the national kings. When Richard of 
England had yielded before Henry vi., the national state 
gave way before the universal authority of the lord of the 
world. But Innocent claimed that he alone was lord of the 
world. The Empire was but a German or Italian kingdom, 
ruling over its limited sphere. Only in the Papacy was the 
old Roman tradition of universal monarchy rightly upheld. 

Filled with these ambitions of universal monarchy. 
Innocent iii.'s survey took in both the smallest and the 
greatest of European affairs. Primarily Innocent's work was 
that of an ecclesiastical statesman, and entrenched far upon 
the authority of the state. We shall see him restoring the 
papal authority in Rome and in the Patrimony, building up 
the machinery of papal absolutism, protecting the infant 
King of Sicily, cherishing the municipal freedom of Italy, 
making and unmaking kings and emperors at his will, 
forcing the fiercest of the Western sovereigns to acknow- 
ledge his feudal supremacy, and the greatest of the Kings 
of France to reform his private life at his commands, 
giving his orders to the petty monarchs of Spain and 
Hungary, and promulgating the law of the Church Universal 
before the assembled prelates of Christendom in the 
Lateran Council. Nevertheless, the many-sided Pontiff had 
not less near to his heart the spiritual and intellectual 
than the political direction of the universe. He had the 
utmost zeal for the extension of the Kingdom of Christ. The 
affair of the Crusade was, as we shall see, ever his most 
pressing care, and it was his bitterest grief that all his efforts 
to rouse the Christian world for the recovery of Jerusalem fell 

3 1 6 European History, 918-1273 

on deaf ears. He was strenuous in upholding orthodoxy 
against the daring heretics of Southern France. He was 
sympathetic and considerate to great religious teachers, like 
Francis and Dominic, from whose work he had the wisdom 
to anticipate the revival of the inner life of the Church. As 
many-sided as strong, and successful as he was strong, 
Innocent in. represents the culmination of the papal ideal of 
the Middle Ages, and represents it worthily and adequately. 

Even before Innocent had attained the Chair of Peter, the 
worst dangers that had so long beset the successors of 
Innocent III. Alexander iii. were over. After the death of 
and Italy. Henry VI. the Sicilian and the German crowns 
were separated, and the strong anti-imperial reaction that 
burst out all over Italy against the oppressive ministers of 
Henry vi. was allowed to run its full course The danger was 
now not so much of despotism as of anarchy, and Innocent, 
like Hildebrand, knew how to turn confusion to the advantage 
of the hierarchy. 

No real effort was made to obtain for the little Frederick 
the crowns of both Germany and Sicily. Constance, freed 
The Sicilian from her husband's control, sensibly changed her 
^"*"""*'" policy. Her keen sympathies with her father's 
minority of inheritance had made her an unwilling spectator 
Frederick. Qf ^j^g harshness and cruelty of his German soldiers 
and ministers. While Philip of Swabia, her brother-in-law, 
hurried to Germany to maintain, if he could, the unity of the 
Hohenstaufen Empire, Constance was quite content to secure 
her son's succession in Naples and Sicily by renewing the 
homage due to the Pope, by renouncing the ecclesiastical 
privileges which Urban 11. had once granted to Count Roger 
[see page 139], and promising a yearly tribute. Having thus 
obtained the indispensable papal confirmation, Constance 
ruled in Naples as a national queen in the name of the little 
Frederick. She drove away the German bandits who had made 
the name of her husband a terror to her subjects. Markwald 
of Anweiler left his Apulian fiefs for Romagna. But the Pope 

Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1 198- 1 216 317 

joined with Constance in his hostility to the Germans. Without 
Innocent iii.'s strong and constant support she could hardly 
have carried out her policy. Recognising in the renewal of 
the old papal protection the best hopes for the independence 
of Sicily, Constance, on her death in 11 98, called on 
Innocent in. to act as the guardian of her son. ^eath of 
Innocent loyally took up her work, and struggled Constance, 
with all his might to preserve the kingdom of "^' 
Frederick against his many enemies. But the contest was 
a long and a fierce one. No sooner was Constance dead 
than the Germans came back to their prey. The fierce 
Markwald, driven from Romagna by the papal innocent's 
triumph, claimed the regency and the custody guardianship 
of the- king. The Saracens and Greeks of expulsion of 
Sicily, still numerous and active, joined the the Germans. 
Germans. Walter, Bishop of Troja, chancellor of Sicily, 
weaved deep plots against his master and his overlord. But 
the general support of the Church gave Innocent a strong 
weapon. Roffrid, Abbot of Monte Casino, a tried friend of 
Her^ry vi., declared for Innocent against Markwald, who in 
revenge besieged the great monastery, until a summer storm 
drove him baffled from its walls. But the purchased support 
of Pisa gave Markwald the command of the sea, and Innocent 
had too many schemes on foot and too little military power 
at his command to be able to make easy headway against 
him. At last Innocent had reluctant recourse to Markwald 
Count Walter of Brienne, the French husband of and waiter 
Tancred's daughter Albina, and now a claimant ° "««ne. 
for the hereditary fiefs of Tancred, Lecce and Taranto, from 
which, despite Henry vi.'s promise, he had long been driven. 
For almost the first time in Italian history, Frenchmen were 
thus called in to drive out Germans. But it was then as 
afterwards a dangerous experiment. Walter of Brienne and 
his small French following invaded Apulia, and fought hard 
against Diepold of Acerra, another of King Henry's Germans. 
Meanwhile Markwald, now in open alliance with the Bishop 

3i8 European History^ 918-1273 

of Troja, made himself master of Sicily, and regent of the 
young king. His death in 1202 removed the most dangerous 
enemy of both Innocent and Frederick. But the war dragged 
on for years in Apulia, especially after Diepold had slain 
Walter of Brienne. The turbulent feudal barons of Apulia 
and Sicily profited by this long reign of anarchy to establish 
themselves on a permanent basis. At last Innocent sent his 
own brother, Richard, Count of Segni, to root out the last of 
the Germans. So successful was he that, in 1208, the Pope 
himself visited the kingdom of his ward, and arranged for its 
future government by native lords, helped by his brother, 
who now received a rich Apulian fief. It was Innocent's 
glory that he had secured for Frederick the whole Norman 
inheritance. It was amidst such storms and troubles that 
the young Frederick grew up to manhood. 

In central and northern Italy, Innocent iii. was more 

speedily successful than in the south. On Philip of Swabia's 

return to Germany, Tuscany and the domains of 

and the tlie Countcss Matilda fell away from their foreign 

inheritance Jq^H and invoked the protection of the Church. 

of Matilda, ^, ' . . - ^ . . 

The Tuscan cities formed themselves into a new 
league under papal protection. Only Pisa, proud of her sea 
power, wealth, and trade, held aloof from the combination. 
It seemed as if, after a century of delays, the Papacy was going 
to enjoy the inheritance of Matilda, and Innocent eagerly set 
himself to work to provide for its administration. In the 
north the Pope maintained friendly relations with the rival 
communities of the Lombard plain. But his most immediate 
and brilliant triumph was in establishing his authority over 
Rome and the Patrimony of St. Peter. On his accession he 
found his lands just throwing off the yoke of the German 
Thetubjec- garrisons that had kept them in subjection during 
tionofRorae Henry vi.'s lifetime. He saw within the city 
Patrimony of power divided between the Prasfectus Urbis, the 
St. Peter. delegate of the Emperor, and the Suramus Senator, 
the mouthpiece of the Roman commune. Within a month 

Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1 198- 1 216 319 

the Prefect ceased to be an imperial officer, and became the 
servant of the Papacy, bound to it by fealty oaths, and receiving 
from it his office. Within a year the Senator also had become 
the papal nominee, and the whole municipality controlled by 
the Pope. No less complete was Innocent's triumph over the 
nobility of the Campagna. He drove Conrad of Urslingen 
back to Germany, and restored Spoleto to papal rule. He 
chased Markwald from Romagna and the march of Ancona 
to Apulia, and exercised sovereign rights even in the 
most remote regions that acknowledged him as lord. 
If it was no very real sway that Innocent wielded, it at 
least allowed the town leagues and the rustic nobility to go 
on in their own way, and made it possible for Italy to work 
out its own destinies. More powerful and more feared in 
Italy than any of his predecessors, Innocent could contentedly 
watch the anti-imperial reaction extending over the Alps, and 
desolating Germany by civil war. 

Despite the precautions taken by Henry vi., it was soon 
clear that the German princes would not accept the hereditary 
rule of a child of three. Philip of Swabia aban- innocent iii. 
doned his Italian domains and hurried to and 
Germany, anxious to do his best for his nephew, ^^^^^y- 
But he soon perceived that Frederick's chances were hope- 
less, and that it was all that he could do to prevent the un- 
disputed election of a Guelf. He was favoured by the 
absence of the two elder sons of Henry the Lion. Henry of 
Brunswick, the eldest, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, was 
away on a Crusade, and was loyal to the Hohenstaufen, 
since his happy marriage with Agnes. The next son Otto, 
born at Argenton during his father's first exile, had never 
seen much of Germany. Brought up at his uncle Richard of 
Anjou's court. Otto had received many marks of Richard's 
favour, and looked up to the chivalrous, adventurous king as 
the ideal of a warrior prince. Richard had made him Earl of 
Yorkshire, and had invested him in 11 96 with the county of 
Poitou, that he might learn war and statecraft in the same 

320 £u ropean History, 918-1273 

rude school in which Richard had first acquainted him- 
self with arms and politics. Even now Otto was not more 
than seventeen years of age. Richard himself, as the new 
, vassal of the Empire for Aries and England, was 

Election of ^ s » 

Philip of duly summoned to the electoral Diet, but his 
Swabia, representatives impoHtically urged the claims of 

Count Henry, who was ruled ineh'gible on account 
of his absence. Thus it was that when the German magnates 
at last met for the election, on 8th March 1 198, at Miihlhausen, 
their choice fell on Philip of Swabia, who, mindful of the 
third century Emperor, Philip the Arabian, took the title of 
Philip II. 

Many of the magnates had absented themselves from the 
Diet at Miihlhausen, and an irreconcilable band of partisans 
Counter- refused to be bound by its decisions. Richard 
election of Qf England now worked actively for Otto, his 
otto of . ? , ,<-, 1,., 

Brunswick, favourite nephew, and found support both m the 

June 1198. oi(j allies of the Angevins in the lower Rhine- 
land and the ancient supporters of the house of Guelf. 
Germany was thus divided into two parties, who completely 
ignored each other's acts. Three months after the Diet of 
Muhlliaiisen, another Diet met at Cologne and chose Otto of 
Brunswick as King of the Romans. Three days afterwards 
the young prince was crowned at Aachen. 

A ten years' civil war between Philip 11. and Otto iv. now 
devastated the Germany that Barbarossa and Henry vi. had left 
so prosperous. The majority of the princes remained firm to 
Philip, who also had the support of the strong and homogene- 
ous official class of minisieriales that had been the best helpers 
of his father and brother. Nevertheless, Otto had enough of 
a party to carry on the struggle. On his side was Cologne, the 
great mart of lower Germany, so important from its close 
trading relations in England, and now gradually shaking itself 
free of its archbishops. The friendship of Canute of Denmark 
and the old Guelf tradition combined to give him his earliest 
and greatest success in the north. It was the interest of the 

Europe in the Days of Tnnocent TIL, 1 1 98- 1 2 1 6 321 

baronage to prolong a struggle which secured their own inde- 
pendence at the expense of the central authority. Both 
parties looked for outside help. Otto, besides his Danish 
friends, relied on his uncle Richard, and, after his death, on 
his uncle John. Philip formed a league with his namesake 
Philip of France. But distant princes could do but little 
to determine the result of the contest. It was of more 
moment that both appealed to Innocent in., and that the 
Pope wiUingly accepted the position of arbiter. 'The 
settlement of this matter,' he declared, ' belongs to the 
Apostolic See, mainly because it was the Apostolic See that 
transferred the Empire from the East to the West, and ulti- 
mately because the same See confers the imperial crown.' In 
March 1201 Innocent issued his decision. 'We pronounce,' 
he declared, ' Philip unworthy of Empire, and absolve all who 
have taken oaths of fealty to him as king. Inasmuch as our 
dearest son in Christ, Otto, is industrious, provident, discreet, 
strong and constant, himself devoted to the Church and 
descended on each side from a devout stock, we by the 
authority of St. Peter receive him as king, and will in due 
course bestow upon him the imperial crown.' The grateful 
Otto promised in return to maintain all the possessions 
and privileges of the Roman Church, including the inherit- 
ance of the Countess Matilda. 

Philip of Swabia still held his own, and the extravagance 
of the papal claim led to many of the bishops as well as the 
lay magnates of Germany joining in a declaration that no 
former Pope had ever presumed to interfere in an imperial 
election. But the swords of his German followers were a 
stronger argument in favour of Philip's claims than the pro- 
tests of his supporters against papal assumptions. As lime went 
on, the Hohenstaufen slowly got the better of the Guelfs. With 
the falling away of the north. Otto's cause became distinctly 
the losing one. In 1206 Otto was defeated outside the walls 
of Cologne, and the great trading city was forced to transfer 
its obedience to his rival. In 1207 Philip became so strong 


322 European History^ 918-1273 

that Innocent was constrained to reconsider his position, and 
suggested to Otto the propriety of renouncing his claims. 
But in June 1208 Philip was treacherously murdered at 
Bamberg by his faithless vassal, Otto of Wittelsbach, to whom 
he had refused his daughter's hand. It was no political 
crime but a deed of private vengeance. It secured, however, 
the position of Otto, for the ministeriales now transferred 
their allegiance to him, and there was no Hohenstaufen candi- 
date ready to oppose him. Otto, moreover, did not scruple 
to undergo a fresh election which secured for him universal 
recognition in Germany. By marrying Beatrice, Philip of 
Swabia's daughter, he sought to unite the rival houses, while 
he conciliated Innocent by describing himself as king ' by the 
grace of God and the Pope.' Next year he crossed the Alps 
to Italy, and bound himself by oath, not only to allow the 
Papacy the privileges that he had already granted, but to 
grant complete freedom of ecclesiastical elections, and to 
support the Pope in his struggle against heresy. In October 
1209 he was crowned Emperor at Rome. After ten years of 
waiting. Innocent, already master of Italy, had procured for 
his dependant both the German Kingdom and the Roman 

Despite his preoccupation with Italy and Germany, the 
early years of Innocent's pontificate saw him busily engaged in 
Innocent III. Upholding the papal authority and the moral 
and Philip order of the Church in every country in Europe. 
Augustus. j^^ consideration of the immediate interests of 
the Roman see ever prevented him from maintaining his prin- 
ciples even against powerful sovereigns who could do much 
to help forward his general plans. The most conspicuous 
instance of this was Innocent's famous quarrel with Philip 
Augustus of France, when to vindicate a simple principle of 
Christian morals he did not hesitate to abandon the alliance 
of the ' eldest son of the Church ' at a time when the fortunes 
of the Papacy were everywhere doubtful. Philip's first wife, 
Isabella of Hainault, the mother of the future Louis viii.. 

Europe in the Days of Innocent TTT., 1198-1216 323 

had died in 11 90, just before her husband had started on 
his Crusade. In 1193 Philip negotiated a second marriage 
with Ingeborg, the sister of Canute vi., the power- ingeborg 
ful King of Denmark, hoping to obtain from his "^ Denmark. 
Danish brother-in-law substantial help against England and 
the Empire. Philip did not get the expected political 
advantages from the new connection, and at once took a 
strong dislike to the lady. On the day after the marriage 
Philip refused to have anything more to do with his bride. 
Within three months, he persuaded a synod of complaisant 
French bishops at Compiegne to pronounce the marriage void 
by reason of a remote kinship that existed between the two 
parties. Ingeborg was young, timid, friendless, helpless, 
and utterly ignorant of the French tongue, but King Canute 
took up her cause, and, from her retreat in a French con- 
vent, she appealed to Rome against the wickedness of the 
French king and clergy. Celestine in. proved her friend, 
and finding protestations of no avail, he finally quashed 
the sentence of the French bishops and declared her the 
lawful wife of the French king. But Philip persisted in 
his repudiation of Ingeborg, and Celestine contented himself 
with remonstrances and warnings that were utterly disre- 
garded. In 1196 Philip found a fresh wife in Agnes of 
Agnes, a lady of the powerful house of Andechs- ^^^ran. 
Meran, whose authority was great in Thuringia, and whose 
Alpine lordships soon developed into the county of Tyrol. 
Innocent at once proved a stronger champion of Ingeborg 
than the weak and aged Celestine. He forthwith warned 
Philip and the French bishops that they had no right to 
put asunder those whom God had joined together. * Recall 
your lawful wife,' he wrote to Philip, * and then we will hear all 
that you can righteously urge. If you do not do this, no power 
shall move us to right or left, till justice be done.' A papal 
legate was now sent to France, threatening excommunication 
and interdict, were Ingeborg not immediately reinstated in 
her place. For a few months the Pope hesitated, moved no 

324 European History ^ 918-1273 

doubt by his Italian and German troubles, and fearful lest his 
action against a Christian prince should delay the hoped-for 
Crusade. But he gradually turned the leaders of the French 
clergy from their support of Philip, and at last, in February 
1200, an interdict was pronounced forbidding the public cele- 
bration of the rites of the Church in the whole lands that 
owed obedience to the King of France. 

Philip Augustus held out fiercely for a time, declaring that 
he would rather lose half his lands than be separated from 

Agnes. Meanwhile he used pressure on his 
diet over bishops to make them disregard the interdict, and 
France, vigorously intrigued with the Cardinals, seeking 

to build up a French party in the papal curia. 
Innocent so far showed complacency that the legate he 
sent to France was the king's kinsman, Octavian, Cardinal- 
bishop of Ostia, who was anxious to make Philip's humilia- 
tion as light as possible. His labours were eased by the 
partial submission of Philip, who in September visited 
Ingeborg, and promised to take her again as his wife, and so 
gave an excuse to end the interdict. Philip still claimed 
that his marriage should be dissolved ; though here again he 

suddenly abandoned a suit which he probably 
submission saw was hopelcss. The death of Agnes of Meran 
of Philip, in July 1201 made a complete reconciliation less 

difficult. Next year the Pope legitimated the 
children of Agnes and Philip, on the ground that the sentence 
of divorce, pronounced by the French bishops, gave the king 
reasonable grounds for entering in good faith on his union 
with her. Ingeborg was still refused the rights of a queen, 
and constantly besought the Pope to have pity on her 
forlorn condition. The Pope was now forced to content 
himself with remonstrances. Philip declared that a baleful 
charm separated him from Ingeborg, and again begged the 
Pope to divorce him from a union, based on sorcery and witch- 
craft. The growing need of the French alliance now somewhat 
slackened the early zeal of Innocent for the cause of the 

Europe in the Days of Innocent III., ii 98-1 216 325 

queen. But no real cordiality was possible as long as the 
strained relations of Ingeborg and Philip continued. At 
last in 1 2 13, in the very crisis of his fortunes, Restitution o( 
Philip completed his tardy reconciliation with ingeborg, 
his wife, after they had been separated for twenty ^^^^' 
years. Henceforth Philip was the most active ally of the 

While thus dealing with Philip of France, Innocent enjoyed 
easier triumphs over the lesser kings of Europe. It was 
his ambition to break through the traditional 
limits that separated the Church from the State, overiordship 
and to bind as many as he could of the kings °^^'^^ 

._ , -n 1 • /-T-i Papacy over 

of Europe to the Papacy by ties of political Ponugai, 
vassalage. The time-honoured feudal superiority Aragon.and 
of the Popes over the Norman kingdom of Sicily ^ * 
had been the first precedent for this most unecclesiastical 
of all papal aggressions. Already others of the smaller king- 
doms of Europe, conspicuous among which was Portugal, 
had followed the example of the Normans in becoming 
vassals of the Holy See. Under Innocent at least three 
states supplemented ecclesiastical by political dependence 
on the Papacy. Sancho, King of Portugal, who had striven 
to repudiate the former submission of Affonso i., was in 
the end forced to accept the papal suzerainty. Peter, King 
of Aragon, went in 1204 to Rome and was solemnly crowned 
king by Innocent. Afterwards Peter deposited his crown on 
the high altar of St. Peter's and condescended to receive 
the investiture of his kingdom from the Pope, holding it as a 
perpetual fief of the Holy See, and promising tribute to 
Innocent and his successors. In 12 13 a greater monarch 
than the struggling Christian kings of the Iberian peninsula 
was forced, after a long struggle, to make an even more abject 
submission. The long strife of Innocent with John of Anjou, 
about the disputed election to the see of Canterbury, was 
fought with the same weapons which the Pope had already 
employed against the King of France. But John held out 

326 European History, 91 8- 1 27 3 

longer. Interdict was followed by excommunication and 
threatened deposition. At last the English king surrendered 
his crown to the papal agent Pandulf, and, like Peter of 
Aragon, received it back as a vassal of the Papacy, bound 
by an annual tribute. Nor were these the only kings that 
sought the support of the great Pope. The schismatic 
princes of the East vied in ardour with the Catholic princes 
of the West in their quest of Innocent's favour. King 
Innocent Lco of Armenia begged for his protection. The 
and the Bulgarian Prince John besought the Pope to 

monarchsof grant him a royal crown. Innocent posed as a 
Europe. mediator in Hungary between the two brothers, 

Emeric and Andrew, who were struggling for the crown. 
Canute of Denmark, zealous for his sister's honour, was his 
humble suppliant. Poland was equally obedient. The Duke 
of Bohemia accepted the papal reproof for allying himself 
with Philip of Swabia. 

Despite his vigour and his authority. Innocent's constant 
interference with the internal concerns of every country in 
Europe did not pass unchallenged. Even the kings who 
invoked his intercession were constantly in conflict with him. 
Beside his great quarrels in Germany, France, and England, 
Innocent had many minor wars to wage against the princes of 
Europe. For five years the kingdom of Leon lay under inter- 
dict because its king Alfonso had married his cousin, Beren- 
garia of Castile, in the hope of securing the peace between the 
two realms. It was only after the lady had borne five children 
to Alfonso that she voluntarily terminated the obnoxious 
union, and Innocent found it prudent, as in France, to legiti- 
mise the off"spring of a marriage which he had denounced as 
incestuous. Not one of the princes of the Peninsula was 
spared. Sancho of Navarre incurred interdict by reason of 
his suspected dealings with the Saracens, while the marriage 
of his sister with Peter of Aragon, the vassal of the Pope, 
involved both kings in a contest with Innocent. Not only 
did the monarchs of Europe resent, so far as they were 

Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1 198- 1 216 327 

able, the Pope's haughty policy. For the first time the 
peoples of their realms began to make common cause with 
them against the political aggressions of the Papacy. ^^^ papacy 
The nobles of Aragon protested against King and the 
Peter's submission to the Papacy, declared that Dangers of 
his surrender of their kingdom was invalid, and innocent's 
prevented the payment of the promised tribute. ''° **^^' 
When John of England procured his Roman overlord's con- 
demnation of Magna Carta, the support of Rome was of no 
avail to prevent his indignant subjects combining to drive 
him from the throne, and did not even hinder Louis of 
France, the son of the papalist Philip 11., from accepting 
their invitation to become English king in his stead. It was 
only by a repudiation of this policy, and by an acceptance of 
the Great Charter, that the Papacy could secure the English 
throne for John's young son, Henry in., and thus continue 
for a time its precarious overlordship over England. For 
the moment Innocent's iron policy crushed opposition, but 
in adding the new hostility of the national kings and the 
rising nations of Europe to the old hostility of the declining 
Empire, Innocent was entering into a perilous course of 
conduct, which, within a century, was to prove fatal to one of 
the strongest of his successors. The more political the papal 
authority became, the more difficult it was to uphold its 
prestige as the source of law, of morality, of religion. Inno- 
cent himself did not lose sight of the higher ideal because 
he strove so firmly after more earthly aims. His successors 
were not always so able or so high-minded. And it was as 
the protectors of the people, not as the enemies of their 
political rights, that the great Popes of the eleventh and 
twelfth centuries had obtained their wonderful ascendency 
over the best minds of Europe. 

The coronation of Otto iv. did not end Innocent's troubles 
with the Empire. It was soon followed by an open breach 
between the Pope and his nominee, from which ultimately 
developed something like a general European war, between 

328 European History, 918-1273 

a league of partisans of the Pope and a league of partisans 
of Otto. It was inevitable that Olto, as a crowned Emperor, 

should look upon the papal power in a way very 
Innocent different from that in which he had regarded it, 
with Otto IV., when a faction leader struggling for the crown. 

Then the support of the Pope was indispensable. 
Now the autocracy of the Pope was to be feared. The 
Hohenstaufen tninisteriales, who now surrounded the Guelfic 
Emperor, raised his ideals and modified his policy. Henry 
of Kalden, the old minister of Henry vi., was now his closest 
confidant, and, under his direction, it soon became Otto's 
ambition to continue the policy of the Hohenstaufen. The 
great object of Henry vi. had been the union of Sicily with the 
Empire. To the alarm and disgust of Innocent, his ancient 
dependant now strove to continue Henry vi.'s policy by 
driving out Henry vi.'s son from his Sicilian inheritance. 
Otto now established relations with Diepold and the other 
German adventurers, who still defied Frederick 11. and the 
Pope in Apulia. He soon claimed the inheritance of Matilda 
as well as the Sicilian monarchy. In August 12 10 he occu- 
pied Matilda's Tuscan lands, and in November invaded 
Apulia, and prepared to despatch a Pisan fleet against Sicily. 
Innocent was moved to terrible wrath. On hearing of the 
capture of Capua, and the revolt of Salerno and Naples, he 
excommunicated the Emperor and freed his sul^jects from 
their oaths of fealty to him. But, despite the threats of the 
Church, Otto conquered most of Apulia and was equally 
successful in reviving the imperial authority in northern Italy. 
Innocent saw the power that he had built up so care- 
fully in Italy crumbling rapidly away. In his despair he 
Election of turned to France and Germany for help against 
Frederick II., the audacious Guelf. Philip Augustus, though 
""• still in bad odour at Rome through his per- 

sistent hostility to Ingeborg, was now an indispensable ally. 
He actively threw himself into the Pope's policy, and French 
and Papal agents combined to stir ud disaffection against 

Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1 198- 1 216 329 

Otto in Germany. The haughty manners and the love of 
the young king for Englishmen and Saxons had already 
excited disaffection. It was believed that Otto wished to set 
up a centralised despotism of court officials, levying huge 
taxes, on the model of the Angevin administrative system of 
his grandfather and uncles. The bishops now took the lead 
in organising a general defection from the absent Emperor. 
In September 1211a gathering of disaffected magnates, among 
whom were the newly made King Ottocar of Bohemia and the 
Dukes of Austria and Bavaria, assembled at Niirnberg. They 
treated the papal sentence as the deposition of Otto, and 
pledged themselves to elect as their new king Frederick of 
Sicily, the sometime ward of the Pope. It was not altogether 
good news to the Pope that the German nobles had, in 
choosing the son of Henry vi., renewed the union of Germany 
and Sicily. But Innocent felt that the need of setting up an 
effective opposition to Otto was so pressing that he put out 
of sight the general in favour of the immediate interests of the 
Roman see. He accepted Frederick as Emperor, only stipu- 
lating that he should renew his homage for the Sicilian crown, 
and consequently renounce an inalienable union between 
Sicily and the Empire. Frederick now left Sicily, repeated his 
submission to Innocent at Rome, and crossed the Alps for 

Otto had already abandoned Italy to meet the threatened 
danger in the north. Misfortunes soon showered thick 
upon him. His Hohenstaufen wife, Beatrice, died, and 
her loss lessened his hold on southern Germany. When 
Frederick appeared, Swabia and Bavaria were already 
ready to welcome the heir of the mighty southern line, 
and aid him against the audacious Saxon. The spiritual 
magnates flocked to the side of the friend and pupil of the 
Pope. In December 12 12 followed Frederick's formal 
election and his coronation at Mainz by the Archbishop 
Siegfried. Early in 12 13 Henry of Kalden first appeared 
at his court. Henceforward the important class of the 

330 European History, 918-1273 

' ministeriales ' was divided. While some remained true to 
Otto, others gradually went back to the personal representa- 
tive of Hohenstaufen. 

Otto was now thrown back on Saxony and the lower Rhine- 
land. He again took up his quarters with the faithful citizens 
The a ai °^ Cologne, whence he appealed for help to his 
and imperial unclc, John of England, still under the papal ban, 
leagues, iai3. -yyith English help he united the princes of the 
Netherlands in a party of opposition to the Pope and the 
Hohenstaufen. Frederick answered by a closer and more 
effective league with France. Even before his coronation he 
had met Louis, the son of Philip Augustus, at Vaucouleurs. 
All Europe seemed arming at the bidding of the Pope and 

John of England now hastily reconciled himself to 
Innocent, at the price of the independence of his kingdom. 
He thus became in a better position to aid his excom- 
municated nephew, and revenge the loss of Normandy and 
Anjou on Philip Augustus. His plan was now a twofold 
one. He himself summoned the barons of England to 
follow him in an attempt to recover his ancient lands on 
the Loire. Meanwhile, Otto and the Netherlandish lords 
were encouraged, by substantial English help, to carry out a 
combined attack on France from the north. The opposition of 
the English barons reduced to comparative insignificance the 
expedition to Poitou, but a very considerable army gathered 
together under Otto, and took up its position in the 
neighbourhood of Tournai. Among the French King's 
vassals, Ferrand, Count of Flanders, long hostile to his 
overlord Philip, and the Count of Boulogne, fought 
strenuously on Otto's side; while, of the imperial vassals, 
the Count of Holland and the Duke of Brabant [Lower 
Lorraine] were among Otto's most active supporters. A 
considerable English contingent came also, headed by 
Otto's bastard uncle, William Longsword, Earl of Salisbury. 
Philip himself commanded the chivalry of France, leaving his 

Europe in the Days of Innocent ITT.y ii 98-1 216 331 

son Louis to fight against John in Poitou. On 27th July 
the decisive battle was fought at Bouvines, a few miles south- 
west of Tournai. The army of France and the g^ttje ^f 
Church gained an overwhelming victory over the Bouvines, 
league which had incurred the papal ban, and "^*' 
Otto's fortunes were utterly shattered. He soon lost all his 
hold over the Rhineland, and was forced to retreat to the 
ancient domains of his house in Saxony. His remaining 
friends made their peace with Piiilip and Frederick. The 
defection of the Wittelsbachers lost his last hold in the south 
of Germany, and the desertion of Valdemar of Denmark 
deprived him of a strong friend in the north. John with- 
drew from continental politics to be beaten more decisively 
by his barons than he had been beaten in Poitou or at 
Bouvines. By the summer of 1215, Aachen and Cologne 
had opened their gates to Frederick, who repeated his 
coronation in the old chapel of Charlemagne. Before Otto's 
death in 12 18 his power was confined to Brunswick and the 
region of the Harz. His brother Henry delivered The fail of 
up the imperial insignia to the conqueror, and theOueifs 
received a confirmation of his hereditary estates, triumph of 
In 1235 the establishment of the Duchy of innocent. 
Brunswick-Liineburg, in favour of the Guelfic house, secured 
for it a permanent position among the territorial powers of 
northern Germany. The higher aspirations of the descen- 
dants of Henry the Lion perished for ever on the fatal field 
of Bouvines. 

Frederick 11. was now undisputed King of the Romans, and 
Innocent iii. had won another great triumph. By the 
Golden Bull of Eger (July 1213) Frederick had already re- 
newed the concessions made by Otto to the Church, and 
promised obedience to the Holy See. In 12 16 he pledged 
himself to separate Sicily from the Empire, and establish his 
son Henry there as king, under the supremacy of the Church. 
But like his other triumphs, Innocent's victory over the 
Empire was purchased at no small cost. For the first time, 

332 European History, 918-1273 

a German national irritation at the aggressions of the Papacy 
began to be distinctly felt. It found an adequate expression 
in the indignant verses of Walter von der Vogelweide, pro- 
testing against the priests who strove to upset the rights of the 
laity, and denouncing the greed and pride of the foreigners 
who profited by the humiliation of Germany. 

Amidst all the distractions of Western politics, Innocent iii. 
ardently strove to revive the crusading spirit. He never 
Innocent III. Succeeded in raising all Europe, as several of his 
and the predccessors had done. But after great efforts, 

Crusades. ^j^^ eloqucut preaching of Fulk of Neuilly stirred 
up a fair amount of enthusiasm for the crusading cause, and, 
in 1204, a considerable crusading army, mainly French, 
mustered at Venice. It was the bitterest disappointment of 
Innocent's life that the Fourth Crusade [see chapter xv.] 
never reached Palestine, but was diverted to the conquest of 
the Greek Empire. Yet the establishment of a Catholic 
Latin Empire at Constantinople, at the expense of the Greek 
schismatics, was no small triumph. Not disheartened by 
his first failure. Innocent still urged upon Europe the 
need of the holy war. If no expedition against the Saracens 
of Syria marked the result of his efforts, his pontificate 
saw the extension of the crusading movement to other 
lands. Innocent preached the Crusade against the Moors 
of Spain, and rejoiced in the news of the momentous victory 
of the Christians at Navas de Tolosa [see chapter xx.]. 
He saw the beginnings of a fresh Crusade against the 
obstinate heathen on the eastern shores of the Baltic But 
Extension of ^ these Crusadcs were against pagans and 
thecrusad- infidels. Innocent made a much greater new 
ingidea. departure when he proclaimed the first Crusade 
directed against a Christian land. The Albigensian Crusade, 
which can more profitably be described when we deal with 
the development of the French monarchy [see chapter xviL], 
succeeded in destroying the most dangerous and widespread 
popular heresy that Christianity had witnessed since the fall 

Europe in the Days of Innocent TIL, ii 98-1216 333 

of the Roman Empire, and Innocent rejoiced that his times 
saw the Church purged of its worst blemish. But in extend- 
ing the benefits of a Crusade to Christians fighting against 
Christians, he handed on a precedent which was soon fatally 
abused by his successors. In crushing out the young 
national life of southern France the Papacy again set a 
people against itself. The denunciations of the German 
Minnesinger were re-echoed in the complaints of the last of 
the Troubadours. Rome had ceased to do harm to Turks 
and Saracens, but had stirred up Christians to war against 
fellow-Christians. God and His Saints abandon the greedy, 
the strife-loving, the unjust, worldly Church. The picture is 
darkly coloured by a partisan, but in every triumph of 
Innocent there lay the shadow of future trouble. 

Crusades, even against heretics and infidels, are the work 
of earthly force rather than of spiritual influence. It was to 
buildup the great outward corporation of the innocent iii •■ 
Church that all these labours of Innocent religious 
mainly tended. Even his additions to the P°^'t'°"- 
Canon Law, his reforms of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, dealt 
with the external rather than the internal life of the Church. 
The criticism of James of Vitry, that the Roman Curia was 
so busy in secular affairs that it hardly turned a thought 
to spiritual things, is clearly applicable to much of Innocent's 
activity. But the many-sided Pope did not ignore the 
religious wants of the Church. His Crusade against heresy 
was no mere war against enemies of the wealth and power of 
the Church. The new tendencies that were to transform 
the spiritual life of the thirteenth century were not strange 
to him. He favoured the early work of Dominic : he had 
personal dealings with Francis, and showed his sympathy 
with the early work of the poor man of Assisi [see chapter 
xviii.]. But it is as the conqueror and organiser rather than 
the priest or prophet that Innocent made his mark in the 
Church. It is significant that, with all his greatness, he 
never attained the honours of sanctity. 

334 European History, 918-1273 

Towards the end of his life, Innocent held a General 
Council in the basilica of St. John Lateran. A vast gather- 
^^ „ ^ ing of bishops, heads of orders, and secular 

The Fourth .... , .... . 

General dignitancs gave brilliancy to the gathering and 

Lateran enhanced the glory of the Pontiff. Enthroned 

Council, 1315. 1 /• , ■,■,■,. 

over more than four hundred bishops, the Pope 
proudly declared the law to the world. * Two things we have 
specially to heart,' wrote Innocent, in summoning the 
assembly, * the dehverance of the Holy Land and the reform 
of the Church Universal.' In its vast collection of seventy 
canons, the Lateran Council strove hard to carry out the 
Pope's programme. It condemned the dying heresies of 
the Albigeois and the Cathari, and prescribed the methods 
and punishments of the unrepentant heretic. It strove to 
rekindle zeal for the Crusade. It drew up a drastic scheme 
for reforming the internal life and discipline of the Church. 
It strove to elevate the morals and the learning of the 
clergy, to check their worldliness and covetousness, and to 
restrain them from abusing the authority of the Church 
through excess of zeal or more corrupt motives. It invited 
bishops to set up free schools to teach poor scholars 
grammar and theology. It forbade trial by battle and 
trial by ordeal. It subjected the existing monastic orders 
to stricter superintendence, and forbade the establishment 
of new monastic rules. It forbade superstitious practices 
and the worship of spurious or unauthorised relics. The 
whole series of canons sought to regulate and ameliorate 
the influence of the Church on society. If many of the 
abuses aimed at were too deeply rooted to be overthrown 
by mere legislation, the attempt speaks well for the character 
and intelligence of Pope and Council. All mediaeval law- 
making, civil and ecclesiastical alike, was but the promulga- 
tion of an ideal, rather than the issuing of precepts meant 
to be literally executed. But no more serious attempt at 
rooting out inveterate evils was ever made in the Middle 
Ages than in this Council 

Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1 1 98-1 216 335 

The formal enunciation of this lofty programme of reform 
brought Innocent's pontificate to a glorious end. The Pontiff 
devoted what little remained of his life to hurrying on the 
preparations for the projected Crusade, which was ^g^tj, ^f 
to set out in 1217. But in the summer of 1216 innocentiii., 
Innocent died at Perugia, when only fifty-six years »6t^J"iy "i^. 
old. If not the greatest, he was the most powerful of all the 
Popes. For nearly twenty years the whole history of Europe 
groups itself round his doings. 




IN THE EAST (1095-I261)* 

rhe Comnenian dynasty and Alexius i. — Decay of the Empire— The end of 
the Comneni — The Angeli — The mustering of the Fourth Crusade— The 
Conquest of Zara — The First and Second Captures of Constantinople — 
The Partition and Organisation of the Latin Empire — The Greek Re\ival 
— Rivalry of Constantinople and Thessalonica — The Latin Emperors- 
Michael Paloeologus and the Fall of the Latin Empire — The Franks in 
the Peloponnesus. 

The Comnenian dynasty, finally established by Alexius l 
[see chapter vii.], ruled for more than a century over the 
Roman Empire in the East. We have already 
Comnenian noticed the most stirring episodes of its external 
dynasty. history, in tracing the dealings of the Comnenian 
Emperors with the Seljukian Turks, with the passing 
Crusaders, with the permanent Latin garrison in Syria, and 
with the Norman rulers of Apulia and Sicily, who strove 
to make southern Italy the starting-point for a Norman 
conquest of the Balkan Peninsula. It remains now to 
describe briefly the internal history of the Eastern Empire 
during the twelfth century, as a necessary preliminary to the 
understanding of the collapse of the Greek power in 1204. 

The combination of strength and duplicity, which con- 
stituted the practical ability of Alexius Comnenus, had saved 
Alexius L, 'he Byzantine state from the ruin with which it 
loSi-ixiB. had been threatened. But the rescue of the 
Empire had been accomplished at no small cost. The 

* To the authorities mentioned under Chapter vtl. may now be added 
Pears' Fall of Constantinople, being tht Story of the Fourth Crusadt, 

The Byzantine Empire in the Twelfth Century 337 

Crusaders had allowed Alexius to resume possession of a 
large share of Asia Minor, but the constant presence of Latins 
in the East was a permanent danger to him, both from their 
superior military capacity and their fierce Catholicism. The 
Eastern Empire sank into the condition of stagnation, which 
it was to retain for the rest of its existence. The low cunning 
and trickery of Alexius are glorified by his literary daughter 
Anna as the highest resources of civilisation when face 
to face with the barbarian Franks. Such methods might 
save the state, but they could hardly adapt it to meet the 
new conditions which Western activity in the East had 
brought about. 

The military danger of the Prankish powers was not the 
worst result of the Crusades on the Byzantine Empire. 
Even more important was the sapping of its 
sources of wealth and the decay of its commercial decay of the 
prosperity, as the consequence of the development Eastern 
of the trade of the Italian republics, like Pisa, ™p""*- 
Genoa, and Venice, who really reaped nearly the whole 
material advantages of the Crusades. Acre and other 
Syrian ports began to supersede Constantinople as the 
great meeting-places of Eastern and Western trade. The 
skill and energy of the Italian merchants transferred the 
commerce of the Levant from Greek to Western hands. 
Since the loss of the rich agricultural districts of Asia Minor, 
the commerce of Constantinople was the one really solid 
source of Byzantine prosperity. The revenue of the imperial 
exchequer now began to fall off, and the disastrous expedients 
of Alexius to restore it made permanent ruin more certain. 
In the hope of making the Bosporus and Golden Horn as 
attractive to the Italian traders as the waters of the Levant, 
Alexius sought to entice the Venetians back to his ports by 
giving them exemption from customs dues (1082). The 
Venetians were established in a special quarter of Constanti- 
nople, exempt from the jurisdiction of the Greek authorities, 
with its Catholic church, its walls, and its magistrates. The 


33^ European History, 918-1273 

Pisans had privileges less extensive but still considerable. 
Such concessions made the Italians easily able to undersell 
the native merchants and to establish their factories on an 
almost independent basis. But it was unlikely that the 
shrewd Venetians would be content with what they had got. 
Their settlement within the Empire as traders only paved 
the way to the time when they aspired to establish themselves 
as rulers. It was a strange turn to make arbiters of the 
destiny of the Empire those Venetians who had in former 
times protected themselves from Western Caesars by parading 
their dependence on the Emperor at Constantinople, and 
whose city bears to this day the abiding impress of Byzantine 
art. The strong Comnenian Emperors postponed the danger 
for a time, but when the Empire was again divided between 
rival claimants, it was as natural to the Venetians as it was to 
the English and French in India to take advantage of the 
decay of an ancient but stagnant civilisation to turn from 
their factories and counting-houses to play the part of con- 
querors and rulers. 

It is one of the innumerable proofs of the vitality of the 
East-Roman system that this result came so slowly and suc- 
ceeded so imperfectly. The latter part of the reign of Alexius 
seemed to revive the former glories of the Eastern Empire. 
The dynasty was firmly settled on the throne; the foreign 
enemies driven away or reduced to insignificance ; the internal 
decay was too gradual to be readily perceived. On his death 
John II., ^"^ 1 1 18 Alexius handed on to his son an empire 
1X18-1143. enlarged and peaceful. John 11. Comnenus (1118- 
1143), called John the Good, was one of the best of Byzantine 
rulers. As vigorous a ruler and a better soldier than his 
father, his private character, stainless in its morals, was marked 
by qualities, such as frankness, generosity, and mercy, which 
rarely adorned the throne of the Eastern Caesars. He reigned 
undisturbed by revolts or conspiracies, save those of his sister 
Anna, the historian, and his brother Isaac, and these foes 
within his household received from him a generous forgiveness 

Tlu Byzantine Empire in the Twelfth Century 339 

that they did nothing to deserve. John was mostly occupied 
in his constant campaigns on the frontiers, fighting the Patzi- 
naks of the lower Danube, the Hungarians and the Servians 
in Europe, and the Seljukian Turks and the Armenians in 
Asia. Master of Cilicia, he forced Raymond of Antioch 
to acknowledge his supremacy. Only his death in Cilicia, 
due to an accident in the hunting field, prevented his in- 
vasion of the Latin kingdom of Syria. Had he seriously 
grappled with the reform of administration and the finances, 
he might have inaugurated a new period of prosperity. But 
his effort to shake off the commercial supremacy of Venice 
involved him in a long and unsuccessful war with the rulers of 
the sea, which he was glad to end by restoring the Venetians 
to their former privileges, and by recognising them as lords of 
some of the Greek islands. Even as it was, John the Good 
did much to arrest decay. 

Manuel i. Comnenus (1143-1180), John's son and suc- 
cessor, was a worthy heir to the military talents of his father. 
But his violent passions suUied his private life, Manuel i., 
and his extravagance, ostentation, and vanity took "43-1180. 
away from the lustre of his domestic administration. He was 
one of the most Western in temperament of all the Greek 
sovereigns. He was proud of his prodigious personal strength, 
of his handsome person, and of his skill in all chivalrous exer- 
cises. He was the only Greek Emperor who could surpass 
the most famous knights of the West in the mimic war of 
the tournament. He had the spirit of a knight-errant, 
suggesting Richard Coeur de Lion rather than the sly and 
demure Oriental. When he had safely extricated himself 
from the perils of the Second Crusade [see page 192], he 
plunged into a series of wars in which he sought personal 
glory rather than the welfare of his Empire. There were 
strange tales of his wonderful personal adventures and hair- 
breadth escapes from Patzinaks and Turks. He introduced 
\\'estern tournaments into Constantinople, had a truly Prankish 
ardour for crusading, re-armed his troops after the Western 

340 European History ^ 918-1273 

fashion with ponderous shields and heavy lances, and eagerly 
sought to connect himself by marriage with the great royal 
houses of the West. His first wife Bertha — called Irene to 
satisfy Greek susceptibilities — was a sister-in-law of the Emperor 
Conrad iii., and his second wife was a princess of Antioch. 
His daughter married in succession the brother of the King 
of Hungary and the son of the Marquis of Montferrat His 
son, Alexius, was wedded to the daughter of Louis vii, of 
France. His influence extended over all the Danubian states 
as far as the German frontier. His wars, if not always politic, 
were often successful. He defeated the strenuous attempts 
of King Roger of Sicily and his son William the Bad [see 
page 236] to invade his Empire. He waged a long and 
not inglorious war with Venice, and even when unable to 
destroy her privileges did something to counterbalance them 
by calling in rival Italian traders, such as the Genoese. When 
beaten by the Seljuks, he was able to negotiate an honour- 
able peace. But his wastefulness brought the financial dis- 
orders to a crisis, and his utter neglect of routine threw the 
obsolete administrative system into confusion. Yet with all 
his faults he was a brilliant personality, and with his death the 
good fortune of the Comnenian dynasty came to an end. 

Alexius II. (1180-1183), the son of Manuel, was a boy twelve 
years old, and his mother, Mary of Antioch, strove to carry on 
Alexius II., ths government in his name. Her incapacity gave 
1180-X183, an opening for intrigues of the members of the 
royal house, and, two years later, Andronicus Comnenus, cousin 
of Manuel, displaced the Empress and became the guardian 
, of Alexius with the title of Caesar. As soon as he 

Usurpation of 

Andronicus, was sccure of power, Andronicus murdered his 
1183-1x85. ward, married his widow, Agnes of France, and 
made himself sole Basileus. Andronicus was a strong and 
brave soldier, but overweeningly ambitious, wantonly cruel, 
and already infamous by a long career of brutality and treachery. 
His success in gaining power was greater than his success in 
retaining it. Rebellions broke out in the provinces. Cyprus 

The Byzantine Empire in the Twelfth Century 341 

shook itself free from his rule under the local Emperor Isaac 
Comnenus, who finally succumbed to Richard of England 
[see page 301]. Even the reign of terror which marked his 
rule did not check the plots of the angry nobles. The 
Normans again invaded Macedonia, and captured Thessa- 
lonica. So hateful did Andronicus become that a very small 
incident sufficed to bring his power to an end. During his 
absence from Constantinople, one of his ministers ordered 
the arrest of an incapable and cowardly noble named Isaac 
Angelus. Driven to despair at the prospect of the torments 
meted out for Andronicus' victims, Isaac plucked up courage 
to resist, and took refuge in St. Sophia's. The mob of Constan- 
tinople arose in revolt, declaring that it would have ' no more 
old men or men with forked beards as Emperors.' End of the 
Andronicus hurried back, but all classes deserted Comneni. 
him. He was tortured to death by the mob, and Isaac 
Angelus was declared his successor. With him the glorious 
house of Comnenus ingloriously expired (1185). 

The reign of Isaac Angelus ushered in a worse period of 
degradation. Even the brutality of Andronicus had been 
in some measure redeemed by its strength, but isaacii., 
under his weak and contemptible successor the "85-1195. 
Empire suffered from the worst results of incompetence. The 
Emperor lavished his revenues in building churches and 
palaces, in collecting relics and sacred icons, in ministering to 
the luxury and vanity of a crowd of parasites and dependants. 
He put the administrative offices up for sale, and allowed 
their purchasers to recoup themselves by oppressing the pro- 
vincials. His ten years' rule was full of military disasters. 
The imposition of a new tax was followed by the revolt of 
the Bulgarians, who had lived as peaceful subjects of the 
Empire since their conquest, two hundred years previously, 
by Basil 11, [see pages 163-165]. In a short time the whole of 
Bulgaria had shaken off the yoke of Constantinople, and the 
mercenary arms of Conrad of Montferrat. The efforts of 
Isaac, who took the field in person against the rebels, were 

342 European History, 918-1273 

powerless to win back a warlike and united people. The 
loss of Bulgaria was not the only humiliation of Isaac's reign. 
We have already seen how the Third Crusade dealt roughly 
with his power, how Frederick Barbarossa, provoked by his 
treachery, forced him to make an abject submission, and how 
Richard of England permanently turned Cyprus into a feudal 
Prankish kingdom, utterly unconnected with the Empire. 
Isaac had also to buy off the attacks of the Sultan of Roum 
by the payment of tribute. In the midst of all these disasters 
his wretched government was abruptly ended by a palace 
conspiracy, formed against him by his elder brother Alexius, 
while he was absent engaged in the Bulgarian war. Isaac 
hurried back to Constantinople, only to be deposed, blinded, 
and immured in a monastery (1195). 

Alexius III. Angelus (i 195-1203), was as wasteful, as profli- 
gate, and as incompetent as his brother, pillaging his sub- 
Aiexius III., jects to reward the conspirators who had helped 
1195-1203. j^jj^ ^.Q jj^g throne. Rebellions broke out in the 
provinces, and the Venetians and Pisans fought out their 
feuds in the streets of the capital. The efforts to reconquer 
Bulgaria proved abortive, and the Turks of Roum again 
threatened the heart of the Empire. The utter feebleness of 
the Byzantine power tempted the Emperor Henry vi. to 
re-enact the part of Robert Guiscard and Roger. His death 
postponed, without averting, the danger of Western conquest. 
Philip of Swabia was the brother-in-law of the deposed 
Isaac, and welcomed his son Alexius, when he escaped in a 
Pisan ship from his ill -guarded prison. The Venetians, 
though loaded with privileges, clamoured for more. It was 
just at the moment when the anarchy of Constantinople had 
reached its height that the army of Crusaders, collected 
from all Europe by the zeal of Innocent iii. and the preaching 
of Fulk of Neuilly, appeared at Venice, waiting to take ship 
thence in the vessels of the republic for the Holy Land. 

The golden age of the Crusades was now over. The 
difficulties that limited the success of the Third Crusade 

The Fourth Crusade 343 

now prevented even the undertaking of a new one on the same 
grand lines. The long efforts of Celestine in. to start a new 
Crusade had borne little fruit. Fulk of Neuilly The muster- 
began his preaching very soon after Innocent iii.'s p^°'^/*'* 
accession to the Papacy, and the new Pope warmly crusade, 
supported him. But none of the great princes "98-1202. 
of Europe responded to his call. It was not until 1201 that the 
beginnings of a crusading army was gathered together under 
leaders more of the status of the heroes of the First Crusade 
than of those of the Second or Third. Theobald in., Count 
of Champagne, was not deterred by his brother Henry's death 
from striving to redeem his brother's lost kingdom. Among 
the lords of Champagne that attended him was his marshal, 
Geoffrey of Villehardouin, who has left us a famous account 
of the expedition. Among Theobald's companions of high 
rank were his kinsman Louis, Count of Blois, and his sister 
Mary, who accompanied her husband, Baldwin ix., Count of 
Flanders, Baldwin's brothers Eustace and Henry, and Simon 
of Montfort, soon to become famous as the leader of the 
Albigensian Crusade. Theobald of Champagne was ap- 
pointed general-in-chief, and it was resolved to attack 
Egypt, as the real centre of the Ayoubite power. Early in 
1 201, ambassadors of the Crusaders, conspicuous among 
whom was Villehardouin, appeared at Venice to negotiate 
with the Republic as to their means of transport. After 
lengthened negotiations a treaty was concluded between them 
and Henry Dandolo, the bhnd and aged, but still ardent, 
subtle, and active Doge. It was agreed that the Venetians 
should provide the necessary transports, with provisions for a 
year, and a convoy of fifty galleys. But in return, the 
Frankish Crusaders agreed to pay Venice the vast sum of 
85,000 marks of silver, and to divide all conquests and 
booty equally between themselves and the Venetians. It was 
characteristic of the Italian seafaring republics to drive hard 
bargains with the Crusaders, and Dandolo had little concern 
for the Holy War, though he had infinite zeal for the interests 

344 European History, 918-1273 

of Venice. As soon as the Crusaders began to collect by 
the lagoons to embark for Egypt, he aspired to use them as 
soldiers of the Republic rather than of the Church. The 
appearance of the fugitive Alexius in Italy already suggested 
the idea of diverting the expedition against Constantinople. 

There were still long delays. The death of the Count of 
Champagne left vacant the supreme command, and, after several 
attempts to fill it up, the Crusaders appointed as their chief 
the North Italian Boniface of Montferrat, brother of Conrad 
of Montferrat, and a scheming and unscrupulous adventurer. 
He was soon approached by King Philip of Swabia, >frho 
urged upon him the claims of the young Alexius, his kinsman. 
The Hohenstaufen monarch and the Doge of Venice now 
combined to recommend the Crusaders to undertake the 
restoration of Isaac Comnenus, as a preliminary to their 
attack on the infidels. Even at this early stage it is more 
than likely that the Venetians had formed a deliberate design 
to divert the Crusade, and had perhaps even an understand 
ing with the Saracens to that effect. 

When the spring of 1202 came, the passage from Venice 
was still unaccountably delayed. Many of the Crusaders 
The capture had spent all their resources during their long 
of Zara, laoa. g^^y^ ^nd the leaders were quite unable to 
pay the Venetians the huge sum they had promised. 
Dandolo now proposed that they should acquit themselves 
of part of their debt by helping Venice to conquer the 
maritime town of Zara, an old enemy of the Republic, 
and the haunt of pirates that preyed on its trade. Zara 
belonged to the King of Hungary, wlio had also taken 
the cross. But the spirit of adventure and love of booty was 
stronger among the Franks than zeal for the Holy War. 
Despite the protests of Simon of Montfort against the turn- 
ing aside of a crusading army to fight a Catholic and 
crusading prince, it was agreed to accept Dandolo's sugges- 
tion. In October, the Crusaders at last left the Lido. In 
November Zara fell, after a short siege, into the hands of 

The Fourth Crusade 345 

the united Venetian and Frankish host. The Pope vigor- 
ously denounced the forsworn soldiers of the Cross. But the 
Venetians paid no heed, and the Franks very little, to his 
fulminations. The season was now too late to make a start, 
and the army took up winter quarters in Dalmatia. Alexius 
now appeared in person in the crusading camp, 
and his glittering offers were greedily accepted, turned against 
Boniface of Montferrat thought more of his Constanti- 

nople, 1203. 

own advantage than of the sacred cause. The 
pious scruples of the Count of Flanders were finally 
allayed. In the early summer of 1203, the Crusaders 
made sail for the ^gean. The fatal results of the decay 
of the Greek marine now made themselves clearly manifest. 
Alexius 111. was the first ruler of Constantinople who had 
to defend his capital, without having the command of 
the sea. With next to no resistance, the Venetians and 
Franks passed through the Dardanelles, and encamped at 
Scutari. The land-attack on Constantinople was beaten off, 
but the Venetians, headed by the blind old Doge, stormed 
the sea-wall, and burnt the adjacent ports of the city. The 
incapable and cowardly Emperor fled in alarm to Thrace, 
whereupon the army took the blind Isaac out of prison, and 
restored him to his throne, but invited his son Alexius to 
share it with him (July 1203). 

The Crusaders had made an easy conquest, but their main 
feeling was one of disgust that the premature surrender of 
the city had deprived them of a chance of a 
richer plunder than their imaginations had ever J/constan" 
conceived before they saw the wonders of the nopie. 
New Rome. They settled down for the next R^f^""-^*'"" 

■' of Isaac 

winter in the suburbs of the capital, while Angeius and 
Isaac and Alexius iv. left no stone unturned Aiexmsiv., 

July 1203. 

to satisfy their clamour for their pay. When 
the Emperors were reduced, in their efforts to appease the 
Latins, to plunder the churches of their jewels and reliquaries, 
and impose odious taxes on their subjects, the mob of 

34^ European History, 918-1273 

Constantinople, taught by the success of recent revolutions 
to regard itself as all-powerful, rose in revolt against them, 
and murdered all the Latins within reach. Isaac, unnerved 
Revolution by Captivity, died suddenly, it was said, of 
in Constant!- fright. Alcxius IV. was Strangled. A strong 
Alexius v., and daring adventurer, Alexius Ducas, surnamed 
Feb. 1304. Murzuphlus from his shaggy eyebrows, was pro- 
claimed the Emperor Alexius v. (February 1204). The house 
of Angelus thus quitted history even less gloriously than' the 
house of Comnenus. 

It was but a revolution in the capital, and the provinces 
hardly recognised the usurper. But Alexius v. threw a 
Second cap- new energy into the defences of Constantinople, 
tare and sack ^nd the Crusaders found that they must either 

of Constant!- ... ,- , . • r 

nopie, retire discomfited, or capture the city for a second 

April 1304. time. After two months of preparations, they 
advanced in April to the final assault. This time they 
limited their attack to the sea-wall. The first effort was 
a failure, but a few days later a second onslaught admitted 
them into a corner of the city. There was still a chance 
for the Greeks, if they had had courage to stubbornly 
defend the city street by street. But the mercenary soldiers 
would not fight, and Alexius v., despairing of further resist- 
ance, fled from the capital, though he soon fell into the 
hands of the Crusaders, who put him to death. Constanti- 
nople now belonged to the Franks, and a hideous three days 
of plunder, murder, lust, and sacrilege, at last satisfied them 
for the moderation they had been forced to show upon the 
occasion of the first conquest. The priceless relics of ancient 
art were barbarously destroyed : the very churches were 
ruthlessly pillaged, and the city of Constantine was robbed 
for ever of that unique splendour that had made it for ages 
the wonder of the world. 

The cry of indignation, that had already broken out when 
the Crusaders turned aside to besiege Zara, was renewed on 
their abandoning their campaign against the infidel to 

The Latin Empire in the East 


conquer a Christian city. But the feebleness of the opposi- 
tion showed that the crusading spirit was dying, and even 
Innocent ui., who was bitterly grieved at the The partition 
failure of the Crusade, found consolation in the andorganisa- 
hoped-for collapse of the Greek schism, and l°°j° 
made his peace with the Latin conquerors of Empire, 
Constantinople. The victorious Westerns now '*°4'" ^• 
proceeded to the division of the spoil The Venetians and 





Latin States «« Si/ria \^y%^^ ZouaC Greek States.. 

Latin Empire and its dependenciet 


the Franks still stood apart, jealously watching over their re- 
spective interests. There was no longer any talk of appoint- 
ing a new Greek Emperor. It was agreed to elect from the 
crusading host a Latin Emperor and Patriarch, and it was 
further determined that the party that furnished the Emperor 
should yield to the other the choice of the Patriarch. A 
college of six French prelates and six Venetian nobles was 
set up to elect the Emperor. There was keen rivalry for the 
post. Boniface of Montferrat, as general, seemed to have an 

348 European History, 918-1273 

obvious claim, but the Venetians were unwilling to support 
the candidature of an Italian prince, an ally of the Hohen- 
staufen. Refusing the dangerous honour for their own duke, 
the Venetians declared for Count Baldwin of Flanders, who 
was duly elected Emperor in May. The papal legate 
crowned him in St. Sophia's, and he was invested with 
the purple buskins and all the other trappings of the 
Basileus of the Romans. Thomas Morosini, a Venetian, 
was chosen Patriarch. But the election of the heads of the 
Church and State was an easier business than the division of 
the spoils amidst a wliole swarm of greedy claimants. 

Like the conquerors of Jerusalem after the First Crusade, 
the conquerors of Constantinople set up a feudal state on the 
ruins of the Oriental system that they had destroyed. The 
Emperor Baldwin was to be overlord of all the Crusading 
chieftains, and was moreover to have as his domains the 
capital, saving the Venetian quarter, the greater part of Thrace 
with Adrianople, and the eastern islands of the -^gean, 
Samothrace, Cos, Lesbos, Samos and Chios. Boniface of 
Montferrat was consoled for his disappointment with the title 
of King of Thessalonica. He was still strong enough to reject 
the offer of a patrimony in Asia which the Latins had still to 
conquer, and to profess that he held Thessalonica in his own 
right, independently of the Emperor of Romania. He estab- 
lished himself in Macedonia and Thessaly. The Venetians 
had the lion's share of the plunder. They had henceforth a 
large slice of Constantinople with the practical monopoly of 
the trade of the Empire. They also were recognised as 
lords of most of the islands and coast lands, including 
the Ionian islands, Euboea, most of the Cyclades and some 
of the Sporades, numerous settlements on the coasts of 
the Peloponnesus, and a large domain north of the Corinthian 
Gulf, along Acarnania, i^itolia, Epirus and Albania, where, 
however, they were not strong enough to penetrate far into 
the interior. Crete they purchased from Boniface of Mont- 
ferrat. Dandolo, who assumed the title of Despotes^ now 

The Latin Empire in the East 349 

styled himself 'lord of a quarter and half-a-quarter ' of the 
Empire. The minor Frankish chiefs also received great fiefs. 
Louis of Blois became Duke of Nicaea and of Nicomedia : 
Villehardouin became Prince of Achaia : Odo of La Roche 
Lord of Athens, and there were counts of Thebes, dukes of 
Philippopolis, and marquises of Corinth. Each feudatory 
had still his fief to conquer as best he could, and the lords, to 
whom lands in Asia were assigned, never obtained effective 
possession of their territories. The more fortunate European 
barons could only enjoy their grants by calling in the help of 
vassal chieftains, whose immunities left them little more than 
a show of power outside their own domains. No feudal 
state was ever strong, but no feudal state was ever so 
weak as the Latin Empire in the East. It had to contend 
against all the characteristic evils of feudalism, the infinite 
multiplication of the sovereign power, the constant feuds of 
rival chieftains, the permanent jealousy of every vassal of the 
power of his overlord. But it had special difficulties of its 
own of a kind impossible to be got over. The magnates of 
the expedition had cleverly manipulated the division of the 
spoils to their own advantage, and the poorer Crusaders were 
bitterly discontented. A comparison of the famous history 
of Villehardouin with the less well known account of the 
Crusade by the simple Picard knight, Robert of Clari, shows 
how bitterly the ' poor knights ' resented the overbearing con- 
duct of the 'great men,' whose standpoint is represented by 
the Marshal of Champagne. Moreover, Germans fought with 
Champenois and Burgundians, North Italians with Flemings, 
and all with the Venetians. Even if the Crusaders had 
been united, they were a mere handful of adventurers. The 
Venetians, who had got for themselves the richest and most 
accessible parts of the Empire, thought little of colonisation 
and much of trade. Yet even the Venetians drew wealth 
from the richly cultivated islands which now became the 
appanage, and were soon a chief source of wealth, to the 
noblest houses of the island city. The Ionian islands and 

350 European History, 918-1273 

Crete remained Venetian for many centuries ; the interior 
uplands were hardly Latin for two generations. It speaks 
well for the prowess of the Prankish lords that they held 
their position so long as this. 

There was no attempt at mixing between Latins and Greeks. 
The quick sympathy that had made the Normans Italians in 
Sicily, English in England, and Irish in Ireland, no longer 
remained with the Frankish hosts. Their civilisation was too 
stereotyped, their ideas too stiff, their contempt for their con- 
quered subjects too profound. It was even less possible for 
the Greeks to assimilate themselves with their conquerors. 
The old-world civiHsation of the Byzantine realm was infinitely 
more hide-bound than the feudal system of the Franks. It 
was impossible to combine French feudalism with Byzantine 
officialism. The Greek despised the rude and uncultivated 
• barbarians ' who now ruled the heritage of Rome. The 
Latin scorned the cunning and effeminate Eastern who had 
succumbed so readily to his sword. It had been hard enough 
for the Comneni to keep together the decaying fortunes of the 
Eastern Empire. It was quite impossible for the French and 
Flemings to succeed where they had failed. 

The barrier of religion would have kept the Latins and 
Greeks asunder, even if differences of nationality and civilisation 

The Greek had not provcd effective causes of separation. 

revival. Despite the rejoicings of Innocent iii.. Orthodox 
and Catholic were more divided than ever, when the Filioque 
was chanted by azymites in the choir of St. Sophia, and 
beardless Latins, who regarded the Pope as the source of all 
ecclesiastical power, took into their hands every Church 
dignity and possession, and branded their rightful ow^ners as 
schismatics. Orthodoxy and the pressure of the Latin 
invaders united Greek national feeling as it had never been 
united before. In the mountains of Albania and Epirus, 
the bolder Greeks fled from the yoke of the conqueror, and 
maintained their independence against any force that the 
I^atins could bring to bear against them. A bastard of the 

The Latin Empire in the East 351 

house of Angelus became Despot of Epirus. Even in Thrace 
and in the Peloponnesus there were independent Greek States. 
Into Asia the Crusaders hardly penetrated at all. Two brothers 
of the house of Comnenus estabhshed the independence of dis- 
tant Trebizond, and dignified themselves, like Isaac in Cyprus, 
with the title of Emperor. Theodore Lascaris, Theodore i. 
a brave soldier who escaped from the sack of Lascaris, 
Constantinople, proclaimed himself Emperor at *^°''"^*- 
Nicaea, and ruled over the western parts of Asia Minor. It 
was well for Greeks and Latins alike that the dissension and 
decay of the Seljukians of Roum, and the pressure of Tartar 
invasion, deprived Islam of its power of aggression. In Europe 
the Wallachio-Bulgarian kingdom easily maintained its inde- 
pendence and enlarged its boundaries at the expense of the 
crusading state. Nothing but the secure possession of the 
great military position of Constantinople, and the command 
of the sea, which the Venetian galleys still kept open for them, 
allowed the Latin Empire to keep up a feeble existence for 
nearly sixty years. 

From the very beginning the Latin settlers had to contend 
against dissension within and invasion from without. Boniface 
of Thessalonica married the widow of Isaac „. . 

/ 11 -1 1 Rivalry of 

Angelus, Margaret of Hungary (called by the constanti- 
Greeks Irene), and posed as an independent "fpieand 

, , r , ^ 1 1 • Thessalonica. 

prince and the protector of the Greek population. 
He refused homage to the Emperor, and war broke out 
between the Flemings of Constantinople and the Lombards 
of Thessalonica. No sooner were his pretensions rudely 
shattered than the Emperor was called away to meet the 
danger of Bulgarian invasion. Johanitsa, the tsar of the 
Bulgarians, turned his arms against the Crusaders, and in- 
vaded Thrace. In April 1205, a decisive battle was fought at 
Adrianople, when the simulated flight of the wild Bulgar 
hordes drew the chivalry of the West to break up Baldwin i., 
their solid ranks. Thereupon the Bulgarians ^»<mi205. 
rallied, and took advantage of the enemy's disorder to inflict 

352 European History, 918-1273 

on them a complete defeat. Louis of Blois was among the 
slain. Baldwin was taken prisoner and murdered. The 
Marshal of Champagne, and Henry of Flanders, Baldwin's 
brother, almost alone survived of the Latin chieftains. 

Henry of Flanders had already made some progress in the 
conquest of Greek Asia, when the news of the Bulgarian in- 

Henry, vasion Called him to defend his brother's throne. 

iao5-i2i6. j^g y^ras now recognised as Emperor. He was 
politic as well as brave, and the Greeks themselves admitted 
that he * treated the Romans as if they were his own people.' 
But he could neither conquer Asia, defeat the Bulgarians, nor 
even permanently conciliate his Greek subjects; though his 
zeal for shielding them from Catholic persecution drew upon 
him the thunders of the Vatican. He made a treaty with 
Theodore Lascaris, which gave him at least a little corner of 
Asia. He was the strongest of the Latin Emperors. But he 
profited by the even greater weakness of the kingdom of 
Thessalonica. In 1207, Boniface of Montferrat perished, like 
Baldwin, at the hands of the Bulgarians. The Despot of Epirus 
took advantage of the minority of his infant son, Demetrius, 
to extend his conquests. The Frankish lords of the kingdom 
called in the Emperor Henry, who found some consolation 
for his disappointments in the North, when he gave the law to 
the Peloponnesus and the islands in a great Diet held in 12 10, 
compelled the regent of the young king to do him homage, and 
received the submission even of the Venetian lords of the Archi- 
pelago, conferring on the great house of Sanudo the Duchy of 
the Archipelago or the Cyclades. Even the Despot of Epirus 
formally acknowledged his sovereignty. Henry died in 12 16, 
and with him perished the best hopes of the Latins in Greece. 
Peter of Courtenay, Count of Auxerre, a grandson of 
Louis VI. of France, and the husband of lolande, sister of 
^^^ Baldwin and Henry, was now chosen Emperor. 

Courtenay, He was in Europe at the time of his election, 

1216-12x9. gj^^ hastened to Constantinople to take possession 
of the Empire. He rashly chose to disembark at Durazzo, and 

The Latin Empire in the East 353 

follow the ancient Via Egnatia over the hills to Macedonia 
and Thrace. When amongst the mountains, his little army 
was overwhelmed by the Despot of Epirus, and he himself was 
captured, and died in captivity. His wife, who had more 
prudently proceeded to Constantinople by sea, now acted as 
regent for her young son Robert, the next Emperor. 

The reign of Robert of Courtenay marked the rapid decline 
of the Eastern Empire. It witnessed the complete destruc- 
tion of the Kingdom of Thessalonica. In 1223, Robert, 
when King Demetrius was abroad, seeking in "19-1228. 
vain Western help, Theodore Angelus took possession of his 
capital, and henceforth ruled without a rival from the 
Adriatic to the ^Egean ; and, like the lords of pau of 
Nicaea and Trebizond, assumed the pompous Thessalonica, 
style of Emperor of the Romans. John ^"^' 
Vatatzes, the successor of Theodore Lascaris at Nicsea, 
renewed the war with the Latins of Constantinople. It 
seemed almost a race between the two Theodores, as to 
which should first drive out the Latins. The domain of 
Robert was reduced to Constantinople and its suburbs. He 
went to implore help from the West, and died during his 
journey in 1228. 

Baldwin 11. (i 228-1 261), the youngest of Peter of Cour- 
tenay's sons, a boy of eleven, was now proclaimed Emperor. 
John de Brienne, the ex-king of Jerusalem Baldwin 11., 
[see chapter xix.], was soon called in to hold the "28-1261. 
regency. He married his daughter to Baldwin, was crowned 
joint-Emperor, and saved his ward's throne from the Greeks 
and Bulgarians. On John's death in 1237, new perils beset the 
young Baldwin. The Latin state had had a few years of 
breathing time through the rivalry of the Angeli of Thes- 
salonica and the house of Ducas, to which, after the death 
of Theodore Lascaris, had passed the Empire ,, . 

' ^ ^ Union of 

of Nicaea. John iii. Ducas ended the strife Thessalonica 
in his own favour by the conquest of Thessalonica ^""^ Nicaea. 
in 1 241. Henceforth, the Angeli had to be contented with 


354 European History, <^\Z-\2'j}, 

the title of Despot of Epirus, and were confined to the uplands 
of the west, A single strong Greek power now threatened 
John III Constantinople, both from the side of Asia and 
Ducas. the side of Europe. Moreover, John in. was a 

1W2-1254. competent administrator, a good warrior, and an 
able financier. Nothing but the mighty walls of Constan- 
tinople, which the Greeks had vainly attempted to assault, 
and the Venetian command of the sea, now saved the Latin 
Empire from immediate extinction. Baldwin 11. spent most 
of his long reign in the vain quest of Frankish assistance. 
He left his son as a pledge to Western bankers, and sold 
the most precious relics of Constantinople to St. Louis. 
He had to sell the lead of his palace-roof to buy food, and 
warm himself by burning the wood of his outhouses. But 
the death of John in. in 1254 prolonged the long agony of 
the Latin Empire. Michael Palaeologus, an ambitious and 
unscrupulous soldier, became regent for the infant grandson 
of John in., and soon associated himself with his ward as 
Michael viii. join' rulet. In 1259 Michael was crowned 
Palaeologus, Empcror at Nicaea, and the rights of his little 
"59-" • colleague were soon forgotten. But Michael viii. 

showed vigour and military capacity which went some way to 
justify his usurpation. In 1261, he profited by the absence 
Conquest of ®^ ^^ Venetian fleet to make a sudden attack on 
constantin- Constantinople. The unlucky Baldwin could 
ope, I I. Q0-gj. j^Q effective resistance. On 15th August, 
Michael entered in triumph the ancient capital, and the 
Latin Empire perished, unwept and unhonoured. 

The Venetians, alarmed to find that Michael had transferred 
their privileges to their Genoese rivals, joined with the Franks 
of the Peloponnesus in raising a cry for a Crusade 
Greek against the victorious Greeks, which was further 

Empire, preached by Pope Urban iv. Charles of Anjou, 

who became King of Naples and Sicily in 1265, 
was willing, and seemed eminently fitted, to carry out the old 
aggressive policy of the Guiscards. But, though the proposal 

The Latin Empire in the East 355 

that he should lead a new Crusade against the Orthodox 
frightened Michael into insincere proposals to buy off Western 
opposition by ending the Greek schism, his submission had 
no permanent result when the fear of a Crusade was removed. 
Michael never ruled with the authority of the Macedonians 
or the Comneni, but his careful measures of reforms, and his 
warlike capacity, started the Greek Empire on the last stage of 
its career, which gave it nearly two centuries more of existence 
before it succumbed to the Ottoman Turks. 

The Latin power still partly continued in the islands and 
in the Peloponnesus. Not only did the Venetians retain 
their grip on the Archipelago and the coast, The Latins in 
but the proximity of the sea enabled some Peloponnesus, 
of the Franks of Southern Greece to continue to rule their 
principalities, after Baldwin 11. had been driven from his throne. 
They had as their code of law the Assizes of Romania, a free 
adaptation of the famous Assizes of Jerusalem. They even 
effected some sort of partial amalgamation with their native 
subjects. Their churches and fortresses long remained, as in 
Cyprus and Syria, the strongest witnesses of their power. 
It was not till 13 10 that the Dukes of Athens, of the house of 
Brienne, succumbed, not to the Greeks, but to their own 
Catalan mercenaries. The Princes of Achaia reigned even 
longer. The Venetians saved both the Ionian islands and 
Crete alike from the Greeks and from the Turks. To the end 
of the Middle Ages, titular dukes, princes, and emperors of 
the Eastern world kept up the memory of one of the strangest 
and most daring of Western conquests, but one which was 
useless to the West, and only weakened the Christian East, 
at a time when the rise of the Ottoman Turks required every 
effort to be made to stem the tide of that barbarian conquest 
which was soon to prove fatal to Latin and Greek alike. 


European History, 918-1273 




VI. Irene. 

m. Nicephorus Uryenntus. 


grandfather of 


Emperor of 



m. Irene of 


Isaac. Theodora 



m. X. Bertha of 
a. Mary of 

Louis vii. 
of France. 

ALEXIUS II., m. i. Agnes tn. 2. ANDRONICUS I. 
1180-1183. of France. 1183-1185. 


founder of line 
of Emperors of 





Emperor of 




Despot of Epirus, 

founder of line 

of Despots of 




1 303-1204. 

m. PhiUp 
of Swabia. 

m. I. Margaret m. 1. Boniface of Montferral 


King of Thessalonica, 
J. 1207. 


King of Thessalonica, 

dep. 1333. 

The Latin Empire in the East 



Locis VI. of France. 

Baldwin viii., Count of Flanders. 


" I 

m. heiress of Courtenay. 

BALDWIN I. HENRY, Iolande m. PETER of Courtenay, 

(ix. of Flanders), 1206-1216. 1216-1217, 

1 204-1205. ob. 1218. 




ob. 1273, 

tit. Mary, daughter of 





FREDERICK II. AND THE PAPACY^ (l 2 1 6-1 250) 

Character and Policy of Frederick 11. — His Work in Naples and Sicily — 
Frederick and Honorius in. — The Early Struggles of Frederick and 
Gregory IX. — Frederick's Crtisade and its Consequences — Peace of San 
Germano — Germany under Frederick — St. Engelbert and Henry vii. — 
German Civilisation under the Later Hohenstaufen— The Eastward Ex- 
pansion of Germany — Livonia and Prussia— Frederick and the Lombard 
League — Battle of Cortenuova — Renewed Struggle with Gregory ix. — 
The Tartars — Innocent iv. and the Council of Lyons— Henry Raspe and 
William of Holland — The Italian Struggle — Frederick's Plans for 
Ecclesiastical Revolution — Frederick's Death. 

Frederick ii. was just twenty years old when the death of 
Innocent nTTallowed him to govern as well as to reign. He was 
Character of of middle height, and well proportioned, though 
Frederick II. becoming somcwhat corpulent as he advanced in 
age. He had good features and a pleasant appearance. His 
light hair, like that of his father and grandfather, inclined 

* Huillard-Br^hoUes' Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi contains a 
magnificent collection of Frederick's acts, and a whole volume of intro- 
duction, which is the best general commentary on his reign. The same 
writer's Pierre de la Vi^e should also be studied. T. L. Kington's 
History of Frederick II. (2 vols.) is a sound and elaborate English 
version of the Emperor's career. For Frederick's religious ideas, see also 
Gebhart's Vltalie Mystique. There is a good essay on Frederick 11. in 
Freeman's Historical Essays^ First Series. Freeman's over-emphasis of 
the continuity of imperial tradition may be usefully contrasted with the 
view held by Mr. E. Jenks, in his interesting Law and Politics in the 
Middle Ages, 'that the Frank Empire in both its stages was a sham 
Empire.' The magnificent editions of the registers of the thirteenth 
century Popes, now being published, mainly by the French school at 
Rome, will afford a solid basis for the detailed history of the Papacy. 

Frederick IT. and the Papacy 359 

towards redness, but he ultimately became very bald. Despite 
his troubled childhood, passed in solitude and gloom at the 
palace of Palermo, he had been carefully educated. He 
became familiar with many tongues, and versed in many 
literatures. The half-Greek, half-Arabic cultivation of Sicily 
had thoroughly permeated a spirit in which keen rationalism 
and dreamy mysticism were curiously interwoven. He had a 
true mediaeval love for dialectic. He delighted in geometry 
and in astronomy. He regulated his public and private life 
by the predictions of his astrologers, among whom Michael 
Scot held the first place. He was curious in natural history, 
collecting a great menagerie of strange animals and studying 
their habits and structure. The camels and dromedaries, 
employed in carrying his baggage train, excited the wonder 
of the Italians, and his elephant, a present from the Sultan of 
Egypt, was almost as famous as the elephant of Charlemagne. 
In his concern for his own health he busied himself with 
surgery and medicine, while his care for his animals turned 
his interests towards veterinary science. He enjoyed hunting 
and hawking, not only as a sportsman, but as a naturalist. 
He wrote a treatise on falconry that attests his zoological 
and anatomical knowledge. Yet w^ith all his love of fresh air 
and exercise, he was a valetudinarian who depended upon his 
physicians almost as much as upon his astrologers, regulating 
his life and diet very carefully, and indulging so frequently 
in baths that his enemies reproached him with bathing on 

With advancing life Frederick's personal habits grew more 
and more oriental. He secluded his wives from the public 
gaze, keeping them under the custody of eunuchs after the 
Eastern fashion, and maintaining at Lucera a regular harem 
of concubines, the expenses of which were duly entered in 
the public accounts of the realm. Though a respectable 
strategist, Frederick was no warrior, taking small delight in 
feats of physical skill, and having little of the rough vigour 
and determination of his chivalrous contemporaries. But he 

360 European History, 9 1 8- 1 27 3 

was a subtle and almost a great statesman, who sought to gain 
his ends by craft, duplicity, and dexterity. Courteous, polished, 
and seductive in manner, he seemed to belong to a different 
race from that of his rude Swabian and Norman ancestors. 
His many-sided character, so full of contradictions, has 
nothing of the homogeneity and simplicity of the warriors and 
statesmen of the Middle Ages, but at one time reflects the 
astute and effeminate oriental, and at another anticipates the 
accomplished and brilliant despots of the Italian Renascence. 
His want of sympathy for the ideals of his time comes out 
strongly in his dealings with the Church. He was believed 
to have ipibibed from his Arab and Jewish masters an utter 
scepticism as to all religion. Moses, Mohammed, and Christ, 
he is reported to have said, were three impostors who had 
deluded the world in turn ; and he is also alleged to have 
maintained that the soul perished with the body. But if 
Frederick upheld these views before a select circle, he was 
careful to submit himself to all the obligations of the Church, 
and to prove his orthodoxy not only by the most formal and 
positive denials of these charges, but also by a most sanguinary 
persecution of heresy. 

Frederick's character and policy can best be studied in his 
favourite Sicilian and South Italian homes. < Despite the pro- 
tection of Innocent in., he had had, as we have 

Frederick's , ,._.,.. ... , . 

policy in secu, the greatest difficulties in maintaining his 
Naples and position both against the untamed descendants of 
^" the old Arab lords of Sicily, and against the fierce 

and turbulent feudal aristocracy that had come in with the 
Normans._jf»rhe first years after Innocent's death were taken 
up with renewed struggles against the Saracens in Sicily. It 
was not till after an almost constant fight between 1 221-12 25 
that Frederick succeeded in entirely effecting their subjection. 
He then strove to divide his Arab subjects by transporting 
a large number of them to the desolate town of Lucera 
on the mainland. The ruined city was rebuilt on a 
magnificent scale for its infidel inhabitants. Workers in steel 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 361 

and weavers of silk made Lucera wealthy and prosperous, 
and the grateful Arabs showed unwavering fidelity to their 
sympathetic conqueror. Frederick frequently visited Lucera, 
where he delighted to live the very life of his oriental subjects. 
Frederick looked upon the Arabs as most kings looked on 
the Jews. They were his personal slaves and dependants, 
whom he protected the more since, besides the commercial 
gifts, which they shared with the Hebrews, they were doughty 
warriors, who were ever willing to fight for him in his Italian 
wars. Moreover, their loyalty was superior to the terrors of the 
papal ban, and their arms proved an admirable counterpoise 
to the fierce Norman aristocracy, which, allying itself with 
the Papacy, sought to break down the fabric of centralisation 
which the Sicilian kings had established at its expense, 
and which Frederick now strove to elaborate into a strong 
despotism. The constant feudal revolts were suppressed with 
firm deliberation and cold-blooded cruelty. Hardly less for- 
midable to Frederick than the feudalists were the great cities 
such as Messina, Syracuse, and Catania, whose liberties were 
also menaced by a policy that concentrated all power in 
the monarch, and whose frequent rebellions were another 
continued source of trouble. , The same firm hand that 
^ checked the nobles ultimately managed to triumph over the 
disaffection of the citizens. ) 

Victorious over Sarac«is, nobles, and townsmen alike, 
Fredenck_§kilfully played off ?Jne- class or race against the 
others, and banished from his court the turbulent leaders of 
the lay and spiritual aristocracy. With the help of a handful 
of faithful prelates and barons, and of a wider circle of lawyers, 
notaries, and royal dependants, Frederick issued a series of 
laws for the government of Sicily and Naples that frankly 
strove to abolish the feudal state in the interests of autocracv. 
He resumed possession of the estates that had been carved 
from the^ToyaT^domain in the days of confusion. Like 
another Henry of Anjou, he either destroyed the unauthorised 
castles, erected by the feudal lords, or at least garrisoned them 

362 European History, 918-1273 

with royal troops under trusty commanders. Private wars 
were forbidden under pain of death, and even the judicial 
duel was only allowed in specified cases and under careful 
precautions. Criminal jurisdiction was withdrawn from the 
nobles' courts and put in the hands of royal judges. Frederick 
even made it a merit that he suffered the feudal tribunals to 
continue to exercise civil justice. The towns were deprived of 
the right of choosing their magistrates, and put under the rule 
of royal officials, while councils of notables, chosen by the 
inhabitants, gave the magistrates some insight into public 
opinion, or at least proved a convenient channel for receiving 
the royal commands. The feudal prelates shared in the ruin 
of their lay colleagues, and every churchman was forced to 
pay^jaxes, and to abandon civil office. The Church courts 
saw their jurisdiction limited and their privileges curtailed. 
The further growth of ecclesiastical property was prevented by 
a severe law of mortmain. 

A great administrative system grew up on the ruins of 
seignorial, ecclesiastical, and municipal independence. AH 
laws emanated directly from the monarch. The Magna Curia, 
sitting at Capua, took supreme cognisance of all judicial 
business, while the Magna Curia Rationum occupied the 
position of the Angevin Exchequer. Chamberlains looked 
after the finance and the administration of the provinces, 
while Justices, strangers to the districts in which they bore 
rule, tried criminals and upheld peace and good order. Local 
bailiffs cared for the royal interests in the villages, and acted 
as judges in the first instance, while the Grand Justiciar, the 
head of the Court of Capua, made yearly perambulations of 
the provinces to control the local machinery. Representative 
General Courts anticipated by a generation or more the 
system of estates of Northern Europe, and brought the 
autocrat in touch with the needs of the chief orders of the 

The arts and sciences flourished at the court of the brilliant 
and enlightened young despot In 1224 Frederick estab- 

Frederick II. and the Papcuy 363 

lished the .University of Naples, and provided it with everj 
faculty, ' in order that those who have hunger for knowledge 
may find within the kingdom the food for which they are 
yearning, and may not be forced to go into exile and beg the 
bread of learning in strange lands.' It was the first university 
in Europe established by royal charter, and, all through its" 
hfstory, the rigid dependence of its teachers and students on 
the State deprived it of that freedom which was necessary to 
play a real part in the history of thought, though the fostering 
care of its master, which prohibited his subjects from studying 
elsewhere, made it an efficient educational instrument, and it 
had the honour of numbering among its earliest disciples 
Thomas of Aquino. The more ancient school of medicine 
at Salerno was revived through Frederick's bounty, and no one 
was allowed to practise the physician's art within the reahn with- 
out the licence of the Salerno doctors. At Frederick's acces- 
sion, we are told, there were few men of letters in Sicily. 
His largesse soon attracted to his court doctors from every 
part of the world. The palace itself became a centre of 
intellectual activity. Michael Scot translated for Frederick 
many of the works of Aristotle. The famous mathematician, 
Leonard of Pisa, who introduced Arabic numerals and Arabic 
algebra into the West, enjoyed the sovereign's patronage. 
Learned Jews and Arabs were as sure of Frederick's favour 
as the best of Catholics. Nor were the lighter and more 
elegant arts forgotten. It is possible that Frederick himself 
wrote Latin poetry. It is certain that his compositions in the 
vulgar tongue mark the starting-point of the vernacular litera- 
ture of Italy, and for the first time gave a currency among 
the great and learned to the songs of the Sicilian dialect that 
had hitherto only enjoyed the favour of the poor and humble. 
Dante regarded Frederick as the father of Italian poetry, and 
the example of the king and his court gave such vogue to the 
Sicilian idiom that it was nearly a century before the ver- 
nacular poets forsook it for the Tuscan. Frederick also loved 
the poets of Provence, even if he did not also write verses in 

3^4 European History, gi%-i27 1 

the tongue of the Troubadours. He also favoured the speech 
of Northern France, and recognised its general prevalence as 
the common language of knights and soldiers. His ministers, 
headed by the famous Peter della Vigna, emulated his activity, 
and his children, especially the bastard Manfred, strove, 
amidst great difficulties, to continue his work. Frederick 
loved art so well that he rifled Ravenna to adorn his palace 
at Palermo, and collected jewels, plate, and costly furniture 
as well as manuscripts. He was a great builder, and his 
summer palace at Foggia, where he loved to dwell by reason 
of its proximity to the great forest of the Incoronata, which 
was reserved for the royal hunting, was, with the still existing 
castle of Castel del Monte, a striking example of the severe 
yet elegant style which he had adopted. 

The successor of Innocent in. was Honorius in., a member 

of the noble Roman house of Savelli. He was a gentle, 

. . . earnest, mild-mannered man, who had grown grey 

Frederick ,-ij-i • t r . 

and Hono. whilc dischargmg a monotonous round of financial 
rius 111., business in the papal Curia. He was neither a 


statesman nor a zealot, yet he was a high-minded 
and religious prelate, and intent above all things _u2on_ re- 
newing the Crusades. He had been tutor of Frederick, and 
wished him well. But though Honorius' conciliatory temper 
gave the young king ample opportunities for working out 
his Sicilian policy, there were grave matters outstanding that 
could not but give rise to difficulties between the Papacy and 
its former ward, Frederick had proinised Innocent in. to 
prevent the permanent unidiT'of the Empire and Sicily by 
investing his young son Henry with his Italian kingdom, to 
be held as a fief of the Papacy. He had also pledged himself 
to embark personally upon AjCrUfiaiJe. As success strength- 
ened his love of power and impatience of external control, 
Frederick became unwilHng to fulfil either of these obligations. 
Honorius urged him repeatedly to depart for the East to uphold 
the declining cause of the Cross. Frederick exhausted his 
ingenuity in piling up excuses for delay, and the meek Pope was 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 365 

content to accept them. /At last, in April 1220, Frederick 
allowed his son Henry to be elected King of the Romans, 
and therefore his successor in the Empire as well as in Sicily. 
Tfiis was an impudent violation of his pUghted word and an 
open cSRance of the Pope. He had the effrontery to pre- 
tend to Honorius that the election had been made without 
his knowledge, and in September he returned from Germany 
to Italy, professing the utmost deference to the papal authority, 
and offering a settlement of the long-outstanding dispute 
about the inheritance of the Countess Matilda. He was 
now profuse in promises to the Pope and clergy. ^In_ 
November 1220 the long-suffering Honorius crowned him 
Emperor at Rome. The_£ope, moreover, allowed him to 
keep Sicily for his lifetime, on condition that he maintained 
therein a separate administration from that of the Empire. In 
return for all this, Frederick again solemnly took the Cross, 
and-lavished concessions on the Church. He annulled all 
laws hostile to the privileges of the clergy. He declared the 
Church ejcempt from all taxes, and conferred on all ecclesi- 
astical persons absolute immunity from lay jurisdiction. He 
sacrificed the rights of the municipalities in favour of the 
prelates, and he promised to lend the whole force of 
the secular power to supplement the Church's efforts for 
the extirpation of heresy. / If he hoped to shift on the 
towns and the heretics som^ of the worst disabilities that he 
had imposed upon himself, he had nevertheless seriously 
limited his authority and hampered his Sicilian policy. It 
was not sound statecraft that promised freely in the hope of 
being able to repudiate the concession when he had obtained 
the end for which he affected to pay the price. \ 

Frederick seemed at first in earnest about the Crusade, 
but he again piled up~delay upon~delay. rinTsn Damiena" 
was lost to the Christians (see chapter xix.), and the Pope, who 
felt that Frederick was responsible for this severe blow, mildly 
threatened him with excommunication ; but Frederick soon 
talked him over, and it was agreed to postpone his Crusade 

366 European History, 918-1273 

until 1225. Though that term soon passed away, Frederick 
now contracted his second marriage, with lolande or Isabella, 
daughter of John de Brienne, and the heiress of the kingdom 
of Jerusalem. This match gave him a new and a more 
personal motive to undertake the promised adventure. Mean- 
while papal legates had stirred up Germany with some 
purpose, and Hermann of Salza, Grand Master of the Teutonic 
Order, won over many of the princes. The eager Pope at 
last thought that Europe was again on the verge of making a 
real effort to redeem the recent failures. But the organisa- 
tion of Sicily lay nearer the Emperor's heart than the delivery 
of the Holy Sepulchre from the infidel. ,- The establishment 
of the Saracens at Lucera was a curious comment on his 
crusading zeal, and directly threatened the neighbouring 
papal territories with infidel invasion at the very moment 
when Frederick was calling on the inhabitants of Spoleto, a 
fief of the Holy See, to render him military service. The 
new laws promulgated for his Southern dominions afflicted 
the clergy with severe disabilities, and gave the lie direct to 
the promises made after Frederick's coronation. Moreover, 
iiUi^2 26 Freder ick held -a-grcat diet at Cremona, where he 
renewed^THe ancient imperial claims over Lombardy. In 
their alarm the Lombard cities renewed their league, and 
blocked the roads by which the imperial troops could cross 
over the Alps from Germany. Frederick put the guilty cities 
under the imperial ban, ar^d a German prelate declared an 
interdict over their lands. (^Honorius at last lost ail patience. 
He pronounced the interaicfinvalid, and prepared to renew 
the ancient league between the Papacy and the Lombard 
cities. Despite the incredible forbearance of the Pope, the 
lying and chicanery of the Emperor had wantonly provoked a 
rupture. The death of Honorius in March 1227 precipitatetl 
the inevitable renewal of the old contest of Papacy and 
Empire. ^ 

The next Pope was Ugolino, cardinal bishop of Ostia. a 
kinsman of Innocent iii., a man of the highest character, aud 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 3^ 

an ardent upholder of the great Pope's ideas. He had long 
been known as the special patron of St. Francis and St. Do- 
minic (see chapter xviii.), and the most strenuous The first 
foe of all sorts of heretics. Gregory ix. (thi sjyas blt^e^en 
the name he assumed) was already a very old man. Frederick 
But the fire of youthful enthusiasm still glowed Gregory ix 
within him, and his strong will and restless energy 1227-1230. 
at once brushed aside the specious excuses that had so long 
deceived his predecessor. For the moment it seemed asJL,_ 
Frederick was at last in earnest-;;for-^Tfie''Cn^ade. Bands 
of German, Italian, and French warriors gathered together in 
Apulia during the summer, and on 8th September Frederick ^ 
himself took ship at Brindjsi for the Holy Land. But pesti- .. 
lence had already decimated the crusading army, and after a 
few"days Frederick put back at Otranto, allegfng that a sharp 
attack of fever had necessitated his return. The Emperor 
soon recovered, but the Landgrave of Thuringia, the com- 
mander of his army, now died, and many of the survivors 
of the expedition went back to their homes. Frederick's 
excuses availed him- little with^regory ix. On TgtlTS ep- 
tember the Pope pronounced him excoinmunicatg, and laid" 
under interdict every spot wherein he might chance to tarry. 
This was the signal for a violent renewal of the ancient strife 

between Papacy _ and Empire.. Gregory denounced the 

Emperor in threatening manifestos, and swarms of Mendicant 
Friars wandered throughout Italy, seeking to turn Frederick's 
subjects from their allegiance to the forsworn, grasping, and 
profligate Emperor. Frederick did not shrink from the con- 
flict ' No Roman Emperor,' he declared, * has ever been so 
badly treated by a Pope. The Roman Church is so swollen 
with avarice that the goods of the Church will not suffice to 
satisfy it, and it is not ashamed to disinherit and make tribu- 
tary emperors, kings and princes.* For the moment Frederick 
was in the stronger position. The Pope's emissaries failed 
to turn either Italy or Germany from its allegiance. The 
partisans_o£jthe^ Emperor stirred up a tumult in Rom^ 

368 European History, 918-1273 

and at Easter 1228 Gregory was forced to take flight to 
Yrterbo. - ~" 

/ In June Frederick again took ship at Brindisi, and landed 
ih September in Acre. His wife, Isabella of Brienne, died 
^ ^ . , , before his embarkation, on the birth of their son 

Frederick 8 ' 

Crusade, Conrad, but Frederick still claimed the crown of 
1228-1229. Jerusalem. Gregory now forbade the excommuni- 
cate Emperor from_presumptuously undertaking the holy 
v.-ork, and commanded the faithful to withdraw from his 
armies. As Frederick still persisted, the sentence of excom- 
munication passed because of his refusal to become a Crusader 
was renewed because he went to the Holy Land without recon- 
ciling himself to the Church. The Patriarch of Jerusalem and 
the Orders of the Temple and the Hospital obeyed the papal 
command. But the rash violence of the Pope overreached 
itself, and many Crusaders, conspicuous among whom was the 
young Teutonic Order and its famous master, Hermann of 
Salza, did not scruple to follow Frederick to battle. Public 
opinion blamed the Pbpelor his rigour, and a contemporary 
said that Frederick was the victim of Gregory, as Christ was 
the victim of Caiaphas. Though not unprepared for battle, 
Frederick trusted more to negotiation than to his arms. 
Long before his departure for Palestine, he had been con- 
ducting friendly negotiations with El-Kamil, the Sultan of 
Egypt. In February 1229 he concluded a ten years' truce 
with the Sultan, by which Bethlehem, Nazareth, and Jeru- 
salem were restored to the Christians, on condition only that 
the Mosque of Omar remained in Saracen hands. On Mid- 
Lent Sunday Frederick took the crown of Jerusalem from the 
high altar of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and placed it 
on his own head. But the Patriarch cast an interdict over 
the Holy Places, and no priest could be found to hallow the 
coronation by celebrating the offices of the Church. Frederick 
gave fresh cause for scandal by visiting the Mosque of Omar. 
He soon returned to Acre, and in June was back in Italy. 
Despite the thunders of the Church, the excommunicate 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 369 

Emperor had done more for the Christian cause than a 
generation of orthodox pilgrims. Hermann of Salza declared 
wTUT good reason that Frederick could have obtained still 
better terms for the Christians had it not been for the 
hostility of Pope and clergy. 

During Frederick's absence, Gregory had devastated Apulia 
with fire and sword. His dead wife's father, John de Brienne, 
the ex-king of Jerusalem, acted as captain of the papal mer- 
cenaries against him. On Frederick's sudden reappearance, 
the papal troops were driven over the frontier and the Patrimony 
of St. Peter itself threatened by the victorious Emperor. 
Gregory found that his rashness had brought him into an 
impossible position, and was glad to accept the mediation 
which Hermann of Salza and Duke Leopold of Austria now 
proffered. On July 23, 1230, peace was made The Peace 
between Pope and Emperor at San Germano. ofSanCer- 
In return for a promise to protect the Pope's ™^°°' "3*-' 
doiniriions and a confirmation of the papal rights over Sicily, 
Frederick was released from his excomrnunication. Soon 
after. Pope and Emperor met at Anagni with Hermann of 
Salza as the only witness of their conference. 'The Pope,' 
wrote Frederick, ' has opened to me his heart, and has calmed 
my spirit. I will remember the past no longer.' 'The 
Emperor,' wrote Gregory, ' has come to seek me with the zeal 
of a devoted son, and has shown to me that he is ready to 
accomplish all my desires.' Yet, despite these mutual protes- 
tations, the Treaty of San Germano so little went to the root of 
the matter thaTTl was little more than a hollow truce. Both 
sides still watched each other with jealous suspicion. How- 
ever, the truce was kept for several years, since neither Pope 
nor Emperor was ready to strike the decisive blow for power. 

Frederick devoted the period succeeding theTreatyjofLSan 
Germano to the building up of his Southern despotism. His 
policy now became more exclusively Italian. With the hope 
of getting help from the German princes in carrying out his 
Southern schemes, he recklessly played into their hands, and 


370 European History, 918 1273 

wantonly destroyed the well-ordered authority over his Northern 
kingdom that he had inherited from his father and grand- 
contrast father. His German and Sicilian policies stand in 
between the Strongest contrast. While he trampled down 
Italian and ^ feudal Communities in the Norman kingdom 
German jn favour of a centralised bureaucracy dependent 

'"' '^^* upon himself, he threw to the winds every mon- 

archical and national tradition in Germany. There was some- 
thing of the wilfulness that is so characteristic of him in this 
strangely twofold and contradictory action. It strikes at the 
very root of Frederick's claims to the higher statesmanship. 
Their only reconciliation is the fact that the Emperor's policy 
was but the policy of the moment. So long as he could crush 
his papal enemy, he was utterly careless of the general tendency 
of his work. The ruin of the Hohenstaufen was- already pre- 
pared for when Frederick bartered his German kingship for an 
immediate triumph over his hated foe. It was all the more 
certain, since the elaborate edifice that he imagined he was 
building up in Italy was but a house erected on the sand. 

The long civil war between Frederick and Otto of Saxony 

had done^much to shake the authority of the German king 

and stimulate the development of the feudal prin- 

Government . , • . , ^ , , . , 

of St. Engei- ciple. A partial recovery was ertected during the 
bert, years succeeding the collapse of the Guelf, when 

1330-1335. ^^^ ^.^^ ^j^ ^^ Engelbert, archbishop of Cologne, 
contributed powerfully towards restoring the prestige of the 
absentee sovereign. Like Barbarossa, Frederick sought to 
rule by means of the German episcopate, but the bishops of 
his time were no longer in the commanding position which 
the warlike prelates of the twelfth century had held. The 
episcopal towns which they had once ruled through their 
officials had become great centres of commerce and wealth, 
and were rapidly advancing on the road to autonomy. The 
lay princes were more independent, and even the viinisteriahs, 
who had played so decisive a part in earlier struggles, were 
attaining an independent and permanent position of their own 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 37 1 

as a lower aristocracy whose imperial offices were becoming 

hereditary fiefs. There was not time enough for Engelbert's 

attempts at reformation to succeed. It was not until 1219 

that the last partisans of the Guelfs tendered their submission. 

But even before that, in 1216, Frederick had CQnferred on his 

four=year-old son Henry the duchy of Swabia, and in 1220 

heTiad procured, as we have seen, his_electioij, as King of the 

Romans. He smoothed the way to this by a formal alliance 

with the ecclesiastical princes, conferring upon them a series of 

privileges that extended to them complete jurisdiction over 

their fiefs.^ In 1222 Henry was crowned king at Aachen by 

Engelbert, who ' cherishe d him as a son and honoured him as 

a maslerT Henceforth the administration was carried on in 

the name of the young king, 

Engelbert watched with a jealous eye the power of Valde- 

mar 11. of Denmark, who had been allowed by Frederick to 

retain possession of Nordalbingia and the extensive German 

districts which he had occupied, when fighting as a partisan 

of Otto IV. . But the German lords of the conquered districts 

were averse to foreign domination, and, headed by Count 

Henry of Schwerin, sought to restore their estates to their 

fatherland. In 1223 Henry of Schwerin had the 

good luck to take the King of Denmark prisoner, vaidemar of 

and in i22(; Vaidemar only obtained his release Denmark, 1223. 

. 1227 

at the price of renouncing Schwerm, Holstein, and 

his other German acquisitions. Afterwards Vaidemar sought 
to regain his losses, but in 1227 he was defeated at the bloody 
battle of Bernhoved in Holstein, and was glad to renew the 
conditions which he had accepted two years before. Hence- 
forth the Danes were confined to their own territories, and the 
chief hindrance was removed to the expansion of the German 
power in the Baltic lands. 

Engelbert's war against Denmark was the greatest evidence 
of his energy and success. Before the struggle was over he 

^ It is printed in Altmann and Beraheim, Ausgewahlte UrkutuUn, 
pp. 18-20. 

372 European History ^ 918-1273 

was assassinated in 1225 by a band of robber knights, wlio 
resented his strenuous maintenance of public order. The 
Church honoured him as a martyr, and he was soon added 
to the catalogue of saints. He left no competent successor, 
and the land fell into such anarchy that a chroni- 

HenryVII., , • i , ^ i , i 

King of the clcr complameu that Germany had become as 

Romans, 1223- jj^^j ^s Israel under the Judges, when there was 
1235. , . 

no kmg, and every man did what was right m 

his own eyes. The young Henry vii. — so Frederick's son 
was generally called— attained man's estate in the midst of 
these disturbances. He was a dissolute, capricious, feather- 
headed youth, quite unable to uphold order or frame a clear 
and consistent policy. Complaints of the disorders arising 
from his neglect soon crossed the Alps to his father, but 
Frederick's exhortations and remonstrances only irritated his 
son against him without turning him from his evil ways. 
Before long the growing differences between Frederick and 
Henry added a new element of difficulty t6~the Emperor's 
position. The King of the Romans sought, so far asTi'e~could, 
to maintain a diametrically different policy from that approved 
of by the Emperor. The last generation of the ' ministeriales,' 
utterly alienated from his father, abetted his designs and gave 
them some coherence. 

In 1231 Frederick forced Henry to promulgate at Worms 
a Statiitum in favorem principum, which in 1232 he personally 
confirmed at a diet at Civitate in Friuli.^ It was 
Privileges to the elaboration and the generalisation of his alli- 
the Princes, ^nce twclve ycars earlier with the prelates. ' Let 
every prince, declared the Emperor, ' enjoy in 
peace, according to the approved custom oT his land, his im- 
munities, jurisdictions, counties and hundreds, both those which 
belong to him in full right, and those which have been granted 
out ttHtim "in fief.' It was a complete recognition of the 
territorial supremacy of the great nobles, whether church- 
men or laymen. No new castle or city was to be set up 

' Allmann and Bemheim, Ausgewdhlte Urkunden, pp. 20-22. 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 373 

w ithin t heir dominions, even by the Emperor. The hundreds 
men \centumgrm} i{\ w e re tc^ct in their name, and no new 
money was to be struck in any prince's land that could reduce 
the currency of his local mintage. The towns and the lesser 
estates were to be depressed in their favour. The cities were 
not to exercise jurisdiction outside the circuit of their walls, 
were not to entertain Pfahlbiirger, or harbour fugitives or the 
vassals of any prince. It was a comp lete renunciation of the 
earlier policy of the Hohenstaufen. But thoughjdwerful in 
securing the territorial supremacy of the princes, Frederick's 
law had little effect in checking the growth of municipal 
autonomy. The greater cities were, already getting rid of 
their episcopal or baronial lords, and Frederick was quite 
unable to check the flowing tide. 

In his shiftless way Henry tried to pose asthe champion 
of the towns and the lesser nobility, that was gradually evoli:. 
ing out of the ancient official class, against the Persecution 
great feudalists whom his father so obstinately of Heresy, 
favoured. Since Frederick wished to remain for the moment 
on good terms with the Church, Henry ostentatiously took up 
an anti-clerical attitude.. He had favoured the savage perse- 
cutions of heresy which Frederick had allowed Franciscan and 
Dominican inquisitors to carry out in Germany as well as in 
Italy (see also chapter xviii.). Conspicuous among them was the 
Franciscan, Conrad of Marburg, who wandered * preaching and 
teaching' all over Germany until 1233, when he was assassinated. 
Henry now sought to end the persecution which he had once 
favoured. But in 1234 a regular crusade was fought against 
the Stedinger of the mouths of the Weser, who had refused 
to pay their tithes. They were easily defeated, and those 
who escaped massacre abandoned their homes and took shelter 
in Friesland. 

Henry's relations-^itb Fredefick had jQiig_been strained. 
In 1232 he visited his father in Friuli, and was forced to 
renew his oaths of obedience. But his blunders and follies 
crowned all his enterprises with failure, and, after his father 

374 European History, 918-1273 

had been forced to disavow all responsibility for his rash deeds, 
the young king strove to unite the towns and the lesser 
Revolt and nobles in revolt against the Emperor (i 234). In 
Ruin of Henry, 1 235 Frederick was compelled to appear in Ger- 
"^' many, where he easily put down his son's rebellion. 

The cities adhered for the most part to the Emperor, and the 
' minis^nales * and ' te5f6f nobles were not strong enough to 
stand alone. On the advice of the peace-loving Hermann of 
Salza, the young king made his submission to his father. 
His punishment was perpetual imprisonment in Apulia. In 
1242, wearied with the restraint, he rode his horse over a 
precipice, and perished. 

Never was Frederick's power so strongly manifested as during 
his visit to Germany in 1235. In the summer he celebrated 
^^ T.. r at Worms his third marriage, with Isabella of 

The Diet of — — — ** ' 

Mainz and Engbnd, the sister of Henry iii., and soon 
the English afterwards^ TiSTd a numerously attended Diet 

marriage, 1235. . 

at Mainz, where he published a series of famous 
constitutions, in some of which he sought to extend to 
Germany some of the principles that had for so long in- 
spired his Sicilian policy. He established a court justiciar 
\justiciarius curice], who was to hold sessions of his court on 
all lawful days, hearing all causes save the high matters 
which the Emperor reserved for himself. This class included 
all the questions of dispute that might arise between the 
great vassals. Frederick strove to limit private war to cases 
where justice should be denied, and to raise up beside the 
courts of the princes the imperial court which he had thus 
reorganised. But at the same time he renewed the former 
privileges granted to the princes, and thus made his reforms of 
no effect. The feudal magnates were still to exercise every 
regalian right, the bishops were still to keep a tight hold 
over their see towns, and the free municipalities were still to 
renounce the protection of their ' Pfahlburger,' and see their 
independence circumscribed by the local grandees. Tlie 
lesser nobility soon succumbed before these blows, and the 

Frederick 11. and the Papacy 375 

future of Germany was thus intrusted to the great feudatories. 
A good illustration of this is the circumstance that the ancient 
power of electing the kings passed away from the general 
assembly of the barons to the limited circle of magnates, who 
were later known as the seven electors. In the same con- 
ciliatory spirit, those who had a hand in the revolt of King 
Henry^irere" fully pardoned, and special concessions to the 
more powerful princes bound them individually to the imperial 
cause. Among these may be specially mentioned the re 
cognition of Otto of Liineburg, the heir of the Guelfs, as Duke 
of the new duchy of Brunswick (see also page 331). Frederick's 
friendship with the Guelfs, following closely upon his alliance 
with England, clearly marks his departure from his ancestors' 
policy. Even the towns were conciliated by the renewal of 
their privileges. Only the Duke of Austria, the brother-in-law 
of Henry vii., still remained unappeased. He was proscribed 
in the diet of 1236 and his territories invaded. But the Duke 
resisted so vigorously that Frederick, who had before this 
returned to Italy, was forced once more to cross the Alps. 
Early in 1237 the Emperor entered Vienna in triumph, though 
even after this the stubborn duke held his own, and when 
peace was at last made in 1239, he secured the full restitution 
of his estates. 

Frederick took with him to Vienna Conrad, his son by 
Isabella of Brienne, then a boy of nine. The assembled 
princes declared that the little Conrad was to be 


preferred to Henry, as David had been put in King of the 

the place of Saul. He was elected King of the Romans, 

Romans, and on Frederick's speedy return to 

Italy, the government of Germany was, for a second time, 

carried on in the name of a boy-king. The troubles 

that had disturbed the reign of Henry were now quickly 


Notwithstanding the rapid diminution of the royal power, 
the age of Frederick 11. is one of no small moment in the 
development of German civilisation, though little of the credit 

376 European History ^ 918-1273 

for it can be set down tO-the absentee and incurious Emperor, 

But in truth the removal of the imperial authority was not 

all loss. It had never been sufficient of a reality 

Gorman r n ^ 

Civilisation to securc for all Germany permanent peace, and 
under even in the days of the strongest of German 

Frederick II. , . -, r \ • /. , , i- , i 

kmgs much of the ment of upholding order and 
civilisation had belonged to the local potentates. Their com- 
plete recognition and the full legalisation of their power now 
substituted a large number of small local centres of authority 
for the one unifying power of the old German king. German 
unity suffered, but national unity was a far-oflF ideal in Northern 
"Europe in the thirteenth century. The great development of 
trade, wealth, law, literature, and civilisation showed that 
Germany was far from being an absolute loser by the change 
^_of system. Unluckily the power of these lesser rulers did not, 
as in France, prepare THe way for a strong monarchy when 
the time grew ripe for a single government. Germany paid 
the penalty for her premature unity under her early kings by 
her inability to set up a national authority when national states 
became possible. 

Despitfi_lhe-_hostility of emperor and. prinrfis, thp t/^aais 
more than held their own. Great changes were coming over 

the commercial relations of Europe. The volume 

Commerce ^ 

and the of trade was much greater, and now flowed in 

Towns. channels which gave Germany a larger share 

of the world's traffic. The rich products of the East now 
came from Venice over the Brenner, and either went down 
the Lech to Augsburg and Niirnberg or descended the Rhine 
to marts like Cologne, where the traders of the north and 
south met together, and the cloth of Flanders or the wool of 
England, and the wood, iron, and coarse products of the 
Baltic were bartered for the more costly articles of luxury 
that had come over the Alps. -^ Safe behind their strong walls, 
the citizens could hold their oVn against prince or emperor, 
while their interest in the maintenance of the public peace 
and the safety of the roads and waterways attracted them to 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 377 

ihe side of any powerful and peace-loving ruler. J A few strong 
princes could keep better order than a mass of robber-nobles 
levying endless tolls and exactions on all goods passing 
through their territories. Even before the fall of the Hohen- 
staufen the towns had not only escaped the direct rule of the 
Emperor, but had gradually withdrawn themselves from the 
authority of the neighbouring lords. The extension of the 
German race and power to the East opened up for them new 
avenues for trade. 

The development of local authorities was marked by the 
growth of local codes of laws. The earliest code of German 
customary law, the Sachsenspiegel, was drawn up 
before the fall of Henry vii., and prepared the 
way for a series of similar collections of customs in the 
second half of the thirteenth century. The towns followed 
the same process, and it became the ideal of each community 
to attain the laws which a more ancient and better established 
community already enjoyed. For the East the customs of 
Magdeburg, for the North the laws of Lubeck, which them- 
selves were derived from those of Soest in Westphalia, 
became the model on which the newer towns based their 

Literature followed the direction of politics and law. The 
use of the vernacular tongue spread as, side by side with the 
Latinised culture of the clergy and the popular 
epics that had flourished at least since Barbarossa's 
days, the lay nobles and knights developed a literary medium 
of their own. The, early part of the thirteenth century was 
the great period of the Minnesinger, the knightly 
poets of love, whose polished and spontaneous singer 
lyrics, inspired by the Troubadours of the Langue ^"'^ t'^* 
d'oc, celebrated chivalrous devotion to beauty and 
romantic affection in terms that showed how far society had 
outgrown the rudeness of the Dark Ages. Side by side with 
them was the great school of romancers, influenced by North- 
French models, who told to German ears the romances of 

378 European History, 918-1273 

Charlemagne and Arthur. Lyrists Uke the Tyroler Walter 
von der Vogelweide, and epic poets like Wolfram of Eschen- 
bach and Gottfried of Strassburg, found their best welcome 
at the courts of the more cultured princes, such as Frederick 
of Austria and, above all, Hermann of Thuringia, whose 
castle of the Wartburg, dominating his town of Eisenach, has 
an almost legendary celebrity in their history. I^le_as he 
was in their land, Frederick himself/did not neglect to show 
his favour to the German poets. (But the fact that the im- 
pulse that inspired so much of their work came from France 
showed that the Germany of the later Hohenstaufen was not 
only losing its primacy in politics, but failed even to gain 
the headship in thought and art.^ The German builders of 
Frederick's age continued to construct their churches on 
Romanesque lines, and the 'French style' of Gothic only 
came in very slowly and partially. The fact that Germany pos- 
sessed no university indicated her subordinate position in the 
world of thought. Though one of the strongest of the. thir- 
teenth century scholastics, Albert the Great, was a German, 
more of his work was accomplished at Paris than at Cologne. 
The extension of German influence over the North and 
East showed that the spirit of the great Saxon and Frankish 
TheExpan- Empcrors continued to inspire the Germans 
sionof Qf thg thirteenth century. The triumph of 

Germany in _„,, ,^,, /.-r^ .,, 

the North St. Engclbcrt over Valdemar of Denmark had 
and East. restored German hegemony over the Baltic lands. 
From it followed the commercial supremacy of Liibeck, the 
domination of the Margraves of Brandenburg over the 
Decay of Slavonic Dukes of Pomerania, and the extension 
the Slavonic of German influence beyond the Oder. The 
States. ancient strength of the Polish monarchy declined, 

and the Russian monarchy, which had been so powerful 
under Saint Vladimir and laroslav the Great, split up even 
more hopelessly than the more western Slavonic state. The 
only strong Slavonic power was Bohemia, which all through 
the thirteenth century increased greatly in importance under 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 379 

Ottocar f. (i 197-1230), Wenceslas in. (i 230-1 253), and 
Ottocar II. (1253-1278). But the Czech monarchs became 
so powerfully attracted by German civilisation that they 
welcomed German merchants, minstrels, priests, and knights, 
and were soon to profit by the growing weakness of the 
German power to put themselves among the mightiest of 
Teutonic states. 

The decline of the Slavonic world left to itself the hea- 
thenism of the East Baltic lands. From the Gulf of Finland 
to the borders of Germany the savage and pagan . 

Livonians, Esthonians, Lithuanians, and Prus- nian and 
sians still lived their old fierce lives, and it was Prussian 


not till early in the thirteenth century that a pious 
missionary, named Christian, took up in earnest the long- 
interrupted work of St. Adalbert, and became the first bishop 
of the Prussians. A little before this Alberl of 1Buxh owHen, 
a canon of Bremen, set up the bishopric of Riga, which 
became the centre of missionary effort among the heathen 
of Livonia. The result was that Germany had the credit 
of bringing religion and civilisation to the race that had 
escaped the nearer influence of Poles and Russians. In 
1200 Bishop Albert of Riga established the order of Knights 
of the Sword, a military brotherhood of the crusading type, 
specially destined to subdue the heathens of the Livonian 
lands. More than twenty years later the Prussians pressed 
Poland so severely that the latter country had to call in 
German help. The Teutonic Order, engaged for The Knights 
nearly a hundred years in the Holy Land, had °^ *^^ Sword 

'..... . . . and the 

never obtamed m that region the importance or Teutonic 
the wealth of the Temple or the Hospital. Her- Knights, 
mann of Salza, the friend of Frederick 11., had convinced 
himself that the affairs of the Christians in Syria were 
desperate, and even before Frederick's crusade had shown 
his willingness to transfer his main activity against the 
Prussians. Frederick 11. himself confirmed and enlarged the 
offers of the Polish duke, and from 1230 onwards the 

jSo European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

Teutonic Knights were busily engaged waging war in 
Prussia. Bit by bit the military monks overcame the 
obstinate resistance of the heathen. Even more arduous 
was the struggle of the Knights of the Sword in Livonia. 
But in both lands the discipline of the few finally prevailed 
over the disorderly heroism of the undisciplined barbarians. 
The two orders formed a close alliance, and before the end of 
the century Livonia, Curland, and Prussia were altogether in 
their power, leaving Lithuania alone as the last resting-place 
of heathenism in Central Europe. Thus was effected the last 
great expansion of Germany to the east. While the Knights 
of the Sword remained a limited conquering class, powerless 
to prevent the continuance of the native idiom and manners 
of their newly Christianised subjects, Prussia gradually became 
almost as much Germanised as Pomcrania or Silesia. German 
traders followed the Teutonic warriors, and in both lands a 
German burgher class supplemented the work of the ruling 
aristocracy. Even in Poland German towns_grew up every- 
where. The Baltic bade fair to become a German lake, and 
the Scandinavian powers shrank back into insignificance and 

While the German race was working its way to fresh 
destinies with little guidance from its nominal king, ^red:. 
Breach tno}^ himself was again becoming embroiled in 

between the troublcs of Italian and ecclesiastical politics. 

rnd*the L^om- ^^^^ ^" ^^ Q"^^' ^''"^s *^^^ followed the Treaty of 
bard Cities, Sau Gcrmauo, the Lombard cities had watched 
"■'^ with alarm the despotic and anti-municipal policy 

of the Emperor. So early as 1232 delegates from Lombardy 
renewed their league, which was soon to be extended 
by the inclusion of the chief towns of Romagna and the 
March. Other leagues grew up in Tuscany and Umbria. 
Soon Frederick's suspicions were excited, and his anger 
passed all bounds when the North-Italian cities formed a 
close alliance with the revolted King Henry, who founJ 
south of the Alps the civic support that he had sought in 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 381 

vain to procure in Germany. Frederick at once strove to set 
up some power antagonistic to the League. Faithful in North 
Italy to his German policy, he saw in the feudal aristocracy 
his best immediate support. Even under the shadows of the 
Alps the Italian barons had not the strength and commanding 
position of the Teutonic feudalists. But some of the more 
capable barons were able to extend their authority by exer- 
cising influence over the cities, and chief among these was the 
ancient house of Romano, German in its origin, and now 
represented by the two brothers Eccelin and Alberic, who 
had established themselves in Verona and Vicenza respec- 
tively. It was upon this bastard feudalism of Italy, that 
owed half its importance to its capacity for establishing civic 
tyranny, that Frederick henceforth chiefly relied. It was a 
policy even more fatal to him than his alliance with the 
princ es in Germany. But for the moment it attained an equal 
success. After all, feudal^uffians like Eccelin were better 
figMers than the ill-trained militia of the Lombard cities. 

In 1236 Frederick was back in Italy, and found a ready 
welcome from Eccelin da Romano, who now aspired to 
appropriate the whole region between the Alps and the 
Adige, and soon made himself lord of Padua and Treviso. 
Recalled over the mountains by the Austrian troubles, 
Frederick again appeared in Italy in 1237. But a small 
portion of his army came from Germany. He relied 
for the most part on the Ghibelline barons of Italy, on 
Eccelin and his following, and on his trusty Saracens 
from Lucera. The Lombard League sought in vain to with- 
stand his progress. Frederick's clever strategy soon out- 
generalTed the civic host, and on 27th November 

111 /• . T • „ Battle of 

1237 the whole army of the League was signally cortenuova, 
def eated a t Cortenuova, half-way between Brescia ^^th Nov. 
and Milan. Taken^at a disadvantage, the valour 
of the "citizens was powerless to withstand the skill and 
discipline of the imperial army. The Milanese abandoned 
their carroccio in their flight, and their Podest^ the Venetian 

382 European History, 918-1273 

Tiepolo, fell into the victor's hands. Frederick celebrated his 
success by a sort of Roman triumph through the streets of 
Cremona, where his famous elephant, with its Saracen drivers 
on its back, dragged the captured carroccio of Milan through 
the town, with the Podest^ Tiepolo tightly bound to its 
standard-pole. Soon after^ Frederick married his daughter to 
Eccelin, and granted the dominion of Sardinia to his bastard 
son Enzio, who had wedded the heiress of the island. The 
majority of the cities desisted from the hopeless struggle 
and made peace with the victor. Only a few irreconcilable 
Guelfic strongholds, including Milan, Alessandria, Brescia, 
Piacenza, and Bologna, persisted in withstanding the Emperor. 
They could again hope for the support of the Pope, who now 
thought the time was ripe for breaking with the Emperor. 
/ During the years of peace Gregory ix. had busied 
himself with the suppression of heresy, the organisation 

of the Inquisition, the encouragement of the 
as legislator ucw ordcrs of Mendicant Friars [see Chapter 
and religious xviii.], the rekindling of the religious zeal of 

(Europe, and his great work of ecclesiastical 
legislationJ In his war against the heretics he had, as we 
have seen,' the Emperor no less than the Mendicants as his 
allies. He firmly identified the Papacy with the new religious 
movement when he canonised Francis and Dominic and the 
Emperor's kinswoman, St. Elizabeth of Thuringia, the devoted 
disciple of Conrad of Marburg. With the help of his peni- 
tentiary, Raymond of Pennaforte, he collected the consti- 
tutions and decretals of earlier Popes in an official code of 
five books, which was invested with exclusive authority in the 
courts and the law-schools. Henceforth the Decretals of 
Gregory ix. stood side by side with the Decretum of Gratian 
itself among the authoritative texts of the Canon I>aw. It was, 
in a measure, an answer to the antagonistic legislation of 
Frederick in Sicily. But all Gregory's efforts could do little 
to stop the progress of the Emperor, and he was further 
hampered by the constant turbulence of the, Jloinans, who 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 383 

more than once drove him from their city. After the triumph 
at-Gremona, Frederick significantly sent the Milanese carroccio 
to the Roman enemies of the Pope. Gregory's Renewed 
turn would come when the last of the Lombard breach 
cities had been reduced. Frederick was already Gregory and 
boasting of his intention to restore Middle Italy Frederick, 
to its obedience to the Empire. Accordingly "^^' 
Gregory openly declared himself on the side of the Lom- 
bard League. Herm ann of Salza made his last efforts on behalf 
of peace, but his death soon removed the one man whom both 
Pope and Emperor implicitly trusted. 1 1 1 March 1239 Gregory 
for a second time launched a bull of excommunication against 
Frederick, and absolved his subjects from their allegiance. 

The new contest between Pope and Emperor was waged 
with "extraordinary and almost unprecedented bitterness and 
violence. The Emperor reproached the Pope for standing in 
The way of the repression of heresy in Lombardy, and called 
upon all kings and princes to unite against the greedy and 
self-seeking priest who sought to make the humiliation of the 
Roman Caesar the first step towards the abasement of all 
temporal authority. The Pope answered by accusing Fred- 
erick of the most outspoken blasphemy, of utter incredulity, 
and the most shameless profligacy. It was significant that 
both Frederick and Gregory strove hard to get public opinion 
on their side, and that neither failed to win over a body 
of ardent supporters. — — ^ 

GregQry did his best to stir up a revolt in Germany. 
His legate proposed the election of the King of Den- 
mark, as King of the Romans in place of ^ „ 

° . ^ Collapse of 

Conrad ; but, despite the adherence of the the German 
Duke of Austria and of other discontented mag- oppos't'on- 
nates, the scheme was shattered through the steady devotion 
of the German episcopate to the young king. It was equally 
in vain when Gregory offered the crown to Robert of Artois, 
St. Louis' brother. The French nobles roundly told the 
Pope that even if the Emperor deserved deposition, his 

384 European History, giZ-i2y I 

deprivation could only be effected by a General Council 
Heade3~by the regent, Siegfried, Archbishop of Mainz, the 
Gerg gan ^crgy rojeotod the alliance of t he Papa cy, so that 
Frederick was able to carry on his war against Gregory in 
Italy without the distraction of a German revolt Even the 
Mendicant preachers of the papal sentence did little to turn 
German opinion away from the Emperor. 

Frederick answered Gregory's attacks by declaring the 
incorporation of the March of Aricona and the Duchy of 
Frederick's Spolcto with the imperial dominions, and by 
successes absolving the inhabitants of those regions from 
in Italy. ^j^^-^ ^^^j^^ ^^ ^j^^ p^p^^ jj^ turned from his 

Lombard enemies to invade the papal territory, and made 
himself master of Ravenna and Faenza, and before long of 
towns so near Rome as Foligno and Viterbo. Nothing but 
a strange freak of fidelity on the part of the Romans to 
Gregory saved the holy city from the Emperor's advance. 
Secure for the moment in his capital, Gregory strove to 
emphasise the solemnity of his ecclesiastical censures by 
summoning a Council to Rome, to join with him in the con- 
demnation of the Emperor. But the Pope's violence had 
alienated even clerical opinion, and a mere handful of prelates 
answered his summons. Frederick derided the packed 
Council, and refused safe -conducts to those wishful to 
take part in it. Nevertheless a certain number of North- 
Italian, French, and Spanish bishops and abbots collected 
together in the spring of 1241 at Genoa, and the Pope, by 
lavish payments, prevailed on the Genoese to provide a fleet 
to take them to Rome. However, the seafaring towns, with 
Pisa at their head, were all on the Emperor's side, and 
an imperial fleet, superior in numbers and fighting capacity, 
bore down upon the densely packed Genoese galleys near the 
island of Giglio. After a show of resistance, the mass of the 
Genoese fleet was captured. Most of the Spanish prelates 
escaped, but a crowd of French and North-Italian ecclesi- 
astics, including three archbishops and the abbots of Cluny, 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 385 

Citeaux, and Clairvaux fell, with the delegates of the Lom- 
bard towns, into the hands of the imperialists. The prisoners 
were taken by Enzio to Naples, ' crowded together ^^^ capture 
in oppression and bonds, and tormented by hunger of a General 
and thirst,' until the prison wherein they were °""'^* ' ^^^' 
cast, 'heaped together like pigs,' seemed a 'welcome place 
of rest.'^ Flushed with this signal triumph, Frederick once 
more advanced upon Rome. This time Gregory could not 
resist his progress. The enemy were at the gates when, on 
2ist August, the aged Pontiff suddenly ended his long and 
stormy career. 

When the rival heads of Christendom were thus fiercely 
contending for supremacy, Europe was, for the first time 
since the tenth centurv, menaced with the horrors „. t- 

' ' . The Danger 

of barbarian invasion. The great Tartar Empire, from the 
which had already conquered China and threatened '^^''^^''s- 
the whole Eastern world, now found an easy victim in 
the divided principalities of Russia, and poured its hordes 
of fierce warriors over the plains of Poland and Hungary. 
Germany itself .was now threatened by their advance, but 
Pope and Emperor, though they reproached each other 
with indifference to the danger, were unable to make even 
a truce to resist the common enemy. In 1240 the sack of 
Kiev by the Mongol chieftain Baty, grandson of Genghiz 
Khan, led directly to the invasion of the West. The young 
King Conrad armed Germany to meet the savage hosts of 
Baty. Luckily for Europe the death of the Khan of All the 
Tartars called Baty back to Asia, and the alarm of the 
Mongol fury passed away as quickly as it arose. 

The triumph of Frederick was further assured by Gregory's 
death. With affected moderation Frederick withdrew for the 
moment to Naples, but a mere handful of cardinals ventured 
to assemble in conclave. Their choice fell upon Celestine iv., 

^ A good account of this ' Capture of a General Council ' is given by 
Mr. G. C. Macaulay in the English Historical Review, vol. vi. (1891), 
pp. 1-17. 


386 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

who died in a few weeks, before there was time to consecrate 
him. For more than eighteen months the Holy See now 
remained vacant, but finally, in June 1243, the cardinals 
agreed to elect Sinobaldo Fiesco, a Genoese cardinal, who 
had been professor of law at Bologna, and was 
IndThTcVi^' reputed to be Ghibelline in his sympathies. But 
tinuationof as Pope Innoceut IV., the imperialist lawyer 
the struggle, ghowed from the first a stern determination to 

J 243- 1250, 

continue the policy of Gregory ix. The saying 
attributed to Frederick, ' I have lost a good friend, for no 
Pope can be a Ghibelline,' though probably never uttered, 
expressed the facts of the case. Some hollow negotiations 
for a pacification were entered upon, but soon broke 
down. Within a year of Innocent's election, Frederick's 
Saracen hordes were again ravaging the Campagna. In June 
1244 Innocent fled from Rome to Genoa, whence he crossed 
the Alps and took up his abode in the free imperial city of 
Lyons. It shows the weakness of Frederick in the Arelate 
that Innocent was able to live in a town nominally subject to 
the Emperor as long as he chose. So safe did the Pope feel 
himself that he summoned to Lyons the General Council which, 
as Gregory ix. had already designed, should strengthen the 
papal condemnation of the Emperor by the ratification of the 
prelates of Christendom. 

In June 1245 the Council assembled at Lyons. It was 
reckoned the thirteenth General Council, according to the 
The Council ^o^nan computation, but even the French refused 
of Lyons and to acknowledge it as such, and very few German 
tioVoT*'*' prelates ventured to attend its sessions. How- 
Frederick, ever, a fair attendance of prelates was ensured, 
**♦* though the presence of a bishop like Grosseteste, 

who, five years later, remonstrated before the Pope's face 
against the exactions of his agents and his abuse of his 
patronage, showed that there was some spirit left among the 
fathers of the Council. Five troubles, declared Innocent, 
grieved his spirit, and the calling of the assembly was destined 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 387 

to relieve Christendom from them. Its business was the protec- 
tion of Christianity from the Tartars, the ending of the schism 
between the Eastern and Western Churches, the extirpation of 
heresy, the revival of the Crusades, and the condemnation of 
the Emperor. In practice the last item absorbed all the 
energy of the Council, though the presence of the fugitive 
Latin Emperor, Baldwin 11., did something to make the 
fathers realise the sorry plight of Eastern Catholicism and 
the need of uniting all sorts of Oriental Christians against the 
Tartars and Turks. Frederick condescended to send as his 
representative to the Council his chief justiciary, Thaddseus of 
Suessa, but his condemnation was a foregone conclusion, and 
Thaddseus had difficulty in obtaining a brief adjournment 
whUe he returned to Italy to acquaint his master with the 
state of affairs at Lyons. Without waiting for the arrival of 
Peter della Vigna, whom Frederick now despatched to repre- 
sent him. Innocent on 17th July pronounced in the name 
of the Council the deposition of his. enemy, both as regards 
the E'mpTre and his two kingdoms. *We order,' added he, 
'those who have the right of election within the Empire to 
proceed at once to a fresh election. As regards Sicily, we our- 
selves will do all that is fitting, after taking the advice of our 
brethren the cardinals.' 

The last hope oL Christendom lay in the mediation of 
Louis IX., who saw that the continued contest of Pope and 
Emperor was fatal to the prospects of a great 
Crusade. The French king met Innocent at Cluny, and Wiinam 
and Frederick offered to allow the archbishop of of Holland, 
Palermo to thoroughly investigate his orthodoxy. ' "*^^' 
But nothing came of these projects, and the blame of reject- 
ing all compromise lay mainly at the door of the Pope, ^he 
spiritual benefits first awarded to those who had assumed the 
Cross to free the Holy Sepulchre were now offered to all who 
would take up arms to carry out the Lyons sentence against 
the Emperor. In 1246 the papal intrigues so far prevailed 
in Germany that four archbishops, a considerable number of 

388 European History^ 918-1273 

bishops, and a few temporal princes met together and elected 
as King of the.Homans Henry Raspe, Landgrave of Thur- 
ingia, the brother-in-law and persecutor of St. Elizabeth. 
rhe major ity of the Gexmans -remained true to Frederick, 
though enough Crusaders flocked to Henry's standard to 
enable him to win a victory over his rival King Conrad, near 
Frankfurt. 'He shows us his back and not his face,' boasted 
Henry over his defeated enemy. ' He fled as men are wont 
to fly who fight with the Holy Empire.' But jie^t-year 
Conrad turned the tables on Henry, who fled home and 
died soon afterwards in the Wartburg. The imperial crown 
now went begging Jor a time. 'I will willingly fight the 
enemies of the Church,' declared King Haco of Norway, 
to whom it was off'ered, 'but I will not fight against the 
foes of the Pope.' At last the young Willianij Count of 
Holland, was persuaded to accept election by the papalists. 
But only one lay prince, the- Duke of Brabant, William's uncle, 
associated himself with the bishops who assembled for the 
choosing of the new monarch. For the rest of Frederick's life 
a fierce fight was fought between William and Conrad. Neither 
of the two could succeed in crushing the other, and Germany 
gradually drifted into all the worst horrors of feudal anarchy. 
Frederick remained in Italy, struggling with all his might 
against the papal partisans, and holding his own so far that 
Innocent found it wise to remain at Lyons. Now 
visions of a that all possibility of reconciliation with the 
lay Papacy Church was cut off", Frederick threw prudence to 
Ecciesiasti- ^^ winds. Hc no longer scrupled against solicit- 
cat Revoiu- jng the help of the heretical Cathari that still 
swarmed all over Lombardy. Visions of power 
such as he had never imagined in the days of his success now 
began to flit before his mind. The apocalyptic visions of the 
Neapolitan seer, the abbot Joachim, began to weigh upon 
his mystical temperament. Despite the canonisation of 
Francis of Assisi and the enrolment of his followers 
under the banners of the Papacy, there was still an under- 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 389 

current of revolutionary religious feeling in Italy of the sort 
that afterwards found expression in the risings of the Frati- 
celli. Of this opinion Frederick now began to make himself 
the mouthpiece, hoping thus to be revenged upon his enemies, 
and to win for himself that first position in the world to 
which he conceived he was divinely called. He had long 
used the Franciscan doctrine of Poverty as a weapon against 
the greedy political Popes. 'It is upon poverty and sim- 
plicity,' he wrote in 1227, 'that the Primitive Church was 
built, in those days when she was the fruitful mother of 
saints. No one may presume to lay other foundations for 
her than those appointed by the Lord Jesus.' He now 
worked out the same idea in a manifesto addressed to all 
Christian princes. ' God is our witness,' he declared, ' that 
our intention has always been to force churchmen to follow 
in the footsteps of the Primitive Church, to live an apostolic 
life, and to be humble like Jesus Christ. In our days the 
Church_has_becomfi worldly. We therefore propose to do 
a work of charity in taking away from such men the treasures 
with which they are filled for their eternal damnation.' * Help 
us,' he wrote later, 'to put down these proud prelates, that 
we may give mother Church more worthy guides to direct 
her.' But his only conception of ecclesiastical reform was 
the absorption of the Church in the State. Even in their 
affliction the Orthodox princes of the East seemed to him 
fortunate, since they had no Pope or independent patriarchs 
to contend against. He now strove to exclude all papal 
authority from Naples by condemning to the flames the 
introducers of papal bulls and all who, under pretext of 
religion, spoke or acted against his authority. He anticipated 
Henry viii. in his effort to abolish the papal power, and, like 
the great Tudor, condemned as traitors or heretics all who 
denied his absolute supremacy over the Church. More than 
that, Frederick proclaimed himself as worthy of the adoration 
of his subjects, like the pagan Emperors of old. He claimed 
to be a vicar of Christ, a lay pope, a Christian caliph — nay, 

390 European History, 918-1273 

an emanation of the Divinity. Jesi, his birth-place, was the 
blessed Bethlehem where Caesar first saw the light, and Peter 
della Vigna was the apostle of the imperial Messiah, the Peter 
who would never betray his master. 

The contest was fought out fiercely with sword and fire. 
The Guelf and Ghibelline towns were pillaging, burning and 
The Italian destroying each other. Enzio, the son, and Eccelin, 
struggle, the son-in-law of Caesar, strove to stamp out in 
xa45.ia5o. blood all Guelfic resistance in Northern Italy. 
Frederick of Antioch, another bastard of Frederick's, worked a 
similar reign of terror in Tuscany. So well did Frederick's for- 
tunes go, that he dreamt of crossing the Alps and marching to 
Lyons. In 1247 he was turned from his bold purpose by the 
unexpected revolt of Parma. He hurried back from Turin 
eager for revenge. Before long the dispersed partisans of 
The Revolt Pope and Emperor flocked to Parma, eager to 
of Parma. defend or attack the city. With all his energy, 
Frederick could only blockade it on one side, and neither 
dearth of provisions nor the hideous cruelty of the Emperor 
moved the Parmesans to think of surrender. At last in 
despair Frederick built over against Parma a new city called 
Vittoria, devastating the whole Parmesan territory to supply 
it with building materials and fortifications. But in 1248 the 
Parmesans made a great sally, won an unexpected victory, 
slaying the faithful Thaddaeus of Suessa, destroying utterly 
Frederick's new city, and leading home spoil the carroccio of 
imperialist Cremona and the whole harem of the Emperor, 
that had been unable to keep up with his rapid flight. 

Everything ""w wpnt a ga jpst Frp-dgri rk. Despite the reign 
of terror exercised in the South, plots and conspiracies multi-_ 

plied, and the Apulian barons rose in revolt. 
d"n "v-^'**' '^^^ blind rage of the suspicious despot now fell 
and captivity on Peter della Vigna, his trusted confidant, who 
ofEnrio, jjj^^j \Qn^g kept, as Dautc says, the two keys of 
Frederick's heart. He was arrested on charges of 
conspiring with the Pope to murder his master. His eyes 

Frederick II. and the Papacy 391 

were cruelly torn out, and he sought his own death to avoid 
further torture. In 1249 Frederick's favourite son Enzio 
was defeated and taken prisoner by the Bolognese at Fossalta, 
and spent the rest of his life in hopeless captivity. But 
Frederick was not yet at the end of his resources. In 1250 
fortune smiled once more on his cause. The Ghibellines of 
Lombardy at last won the upper hand. Good news came 
from beyond the Alps of Conrad's triumphs over William of 
Holland. Frederick himself spent most of the year at Foggia, 
surrounded by his faithful Saracens, in whom he still placed 
his chief trust. Towards the end of the year he ogathof 
started once more for the north, but he was seized Frederick, 
with a mortal illness before he had traversed many ^*^°" 
stages. He took to his bed at Fiorentino, a hunting lodge a 
few miles short of Lucera. An ancient prediction of his 
astrologers that he would die near iron gates at a town called 
Flora further troubled his spirit. ' This is the spot,' he said, 
' long ago foretold to me where I must die. The will of God 
be done.' He calnily^£w up a will, bequeathing to Conrad 
both the Empire and the kingdom, while his favourite bastard, 
Manfred, who carefully ministered to his last hours, was to 
act as his regent in his brother's absence. On 19 th December 
he died, either, as his friends believed, calmly and religiously, 
clad in the white robe of the Cistercians and reconciled to 
the Church by the Archbishop of Palermo, or a prey to 
hideous despair and misery, as the Friars his enemies loved 
to imagine. He was buried beside his Norman ancestors at 
Palermo, where his tomb may still be seen. With him expired 
the Roman Empire as a real claimant to any share of the rule 
of the world, though for another generation faction raged 
more fiercely than ever as to the disposal of its heritage. X^?_ 
Papacy had at last triumphed over the Empire. The sacerdo- 
tium had laid low the regnum, and alllhat remains of the 
history of the world-strife of Pope and Emperor is to write its 
epilogue. But the mystic followers of the abbot Joachim 
could not believe that their hero, the all-powerful Emperor, 

392 European History, 918-1273 

was removed from the world. * He shall resound,' they 
cried, 'among the people; he is alive, and yet is not alive.' 
But though many impostors arose in his name, Frederick 
came not back to his disciples, nor did he leave behind him 
any successor. The last of the great Emperors and the first 
of great modern Kings, Frederick, with all his brilliant gifts, 
was but the most dazzling of the long line of imperial failures. 
Though he filled so large a part in the history of his own 
day, he left singularly little behind him. Yet as we survey 
the horrors through which the generations that succeeded 
him travelled slowly to the realisation of a brighter future, we 
shall not think Dante wrong when he puts the golden age of 
Italy in the time ere Frederick had been hounded to death 
by his remorseless enemies. 



Home Policy of Philip Augustus — The Fall of the Angevins and the Conquest 
of Normandy and Anjou -The Albigensian Crusade— The establishment 
of Simon of Montfort in Toulouse, and the Reaction under Raymond Vli. 
— The Relations of Philip and his People — Paris — Administrative Reforms 
— Death and Character of Philip — Reign of Louis viii. — The Conquest 
of Poitou and the Renewal of the Albigensian Crusade— The Regency of 
Blanche of Castille and the Feudal Reaction — The Treaty of Meaux — 
Character of St. Louis — His Personal Government — The Settlement of 
the South and West— Battle of Saintes and Treaty of Lorris — Alfonse 
in Poitou and Tpulouse — Charles in Anjou and Provence — Foreign Policy 
of St. Louis — His Relations to Pope and Emperor — France the Chief 
Power of Europe — Home Policy of St. Louis — The Administrative System 
— Baillages and S^ndchauss^es — Enquesteurs — The Parliament of Paris — 
Finance, Coinage, Trade, Towns — Last Years and Death of St. Louis — 
The Position of France. 

We have already dealt with the external history of France up 
to the time of the battle of Bouvines. We have witnessed 
Philip Augustus' early struggles with Henry of Anjou, his 
participation in the Third Crusade, his matrimonial difficulties, 
the struggle they involved him in with Innocent iii., and 

^ Delisle's Catalogue des Actes de Philippe Auguste and Hutton's Philip 
Augustus cover the early part of this period. For the fall of John, see 
Bemont's Condamnation de Jean Sans Terre, in Revue Historique, xxxii. , 
33-74, 290-311, For the Albigensian Crusade, see Teyxsit's I/istoire des 
Albigeois, and Douai's Les Albigeois, and Lea's History of the Inquisition 
in the Middle Ages. For the reign of Louis vni., the best work is Petit- 
Dutaillis' Rigne de Louis VIII., in the Bibliotheqne de I'ecole des 
hautes Etudes. For St. Louis, Wallon's Histoire de Saint Louis is 
a useful but not an original summary. Joinville's contemporary Vie dc 


394 European History, 918-1273 

the subsequent league between himself and the great Pope 
which contributed so powerfully towards the abasement of 
the Guelfs. / It remains now to speak of Philip Augustus' 
reign as affecting France itself, and to show how, by the defeat 
and disruption of the Angevin monarchy, the royal domain 
was enormously extended, how by the identification of the 
monarchical cause with the orthodox Crusade against the 
Albigensian heretics the way was paved for the subjection of 
the Langue d'oc to the Langue d'oil, and how the 

Home policy ... , , ,. , i • • • e 

of Philip beginnings of the centralised administration of 

Augustus, jhg monarchy, and the establishment of the first 

modern capital, increased the power of the French 

state, even more than Philip's conquests increased the ex- 
tent of its dominions. Under Philip's son, Louis viii., and 
his grandson, Louis ix., the same principles of external growth 
and internal organisation were still further worked out, so 
that when the collapse of Frederick 11. left vacant the hegemony 
of Europe, the France of St. Louis was more than ready to 
step into the place left empty by the fall of the Hohenstaufen. 
\With the return of Phihp 11. from the Crusade, the inter- 
rupted struggle between France and the Angevin monarchy 
The Fall ^^^^ ^' oxic^ resumcd. \ Despite the advantages 
of the which the blundering knight-errantry of Richard i. 

ngcvins. Qf{gfg^ tQ j^ig more politic antagonist, Philip was 
not yet in a sufficiently strong position to reap much fruit 
from his enemy's mistakes. Richard's pp\vj- -a';t]fi_^of C hateau 
Gaillard_bloc]s£d-iliu way lu llnTinvasion of Normandy, and 
the South was still a strange region to the King o f Paris. In 

Saint Louis should above all be studied. Boutaric's Saint Louis et 
Alfonse de PoitierSf the essay in vol. vii. of the Nouvelle histoire de 
Languedoc, and Sternfeld's Karl von Anjouals Graf von Provence shovi well 
the process of the Southward expansion of France. For Louis' relations 
to the Papacy consult Berger's Saint- I^ouis et Innocent IV, See also Lecoy 
de la Marche's Saint Louis sa famille et sa cour in Revue des questions 
historiques, t. xxiv., and Beugnot's Essai sur les constitutions de Saint 
Louis. Ch. V. Langlois' Rigne de Philippe le Ilardi gives an admirable 
lummary of the state of France as it was left at St. Louis' death. 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 395 

1199 Richard perished in an obscure contest with a petty 
lord of the Limousin, and Philip at once swooped down 
on Evreux and conquered it with little difficulty. But very 
soon Philip's quarrel with Innocent iii. made him glad to 
accept the proposals of John's mother, the aged Eleanor of 
Aquitaine, to revert to his ancient alliance with John. A 
treaty was signed by which Philip's son Louis was married 
to Blanche of Castile, the daughter of King Alfonso viii. 
and John's sister Eleanor. Evreux, with Philip's other 
Norman conquests, were made over to the bridegroom as 
the lady's marriage portion. Before long, however, the 
wilfiil and rapnYious tyranny of "John created a-j yicLesptead 
discontent in his Frenc h dominio ns, of-J»hich Philip was 
skilful"gtl6Llbli trraValTEimse lf to the full. No sooner had the 
FrerfcB monarch made a partial peace with the Pope than 
he listened to the complaints of the barons of Poitou, 
headed by the indignant Hugh of Lusignan, Count of La 
Marche, whose betrothed, Isabella, the heiress of Angouleme, 
had been carried off from him and wedded to the English King. 
In Tgn-a Phil jp fjiiTP'^"""^ J"^" *" •■""^^'- hfif ^^'e his suzerain's 
COUrt ^at Paris the rnn^p 1aint«; r\i \h(^ Pr.i>PTn'o lords. The 
English Kmg refused to appear, and was sentenced in default 
to lose all his French fiefs. The murder of Arthur of Brittany 
still further increased the ill- ^rTelF against John, and the 
de ^h of El e an or of Aqulfame soon afterwar3^-4epHTed"him 
of jiis^ w isest counselton — "T mtig~TOTITse " of 1 20 j-4Philip . 
gradually'c& i^ q ue i 'od. all Normandy, and the Norman Jjarogs, 
disgusted at John's inactivity in defending them, were gradu- 
ally alienated from his side. Anjou, Touraine, and Maine were 
won with even less difficulty. After Arthur's The con- 
death, Brittany passed over from the Angevin to quest of Nor- 
the Capetian oTjedience, and, after a brief period of Anjou^ and 
French occupation, a new line of Breton began in Po»tou. 
1 2 13 with Peter Mauclerc, which, if not very faithful to France, 
at least acknowledged no other overlord. After Eleanor's 
death the personal loyalty of Aquitaine to the house of the 

396 European History, 918-1273 

Guilhems was greatly relaxed, and before 12 13 most of Poitou 
had passed over to Philip Augustus. It was John's wish to win 
back Poitou that led him to interfere actively in the general 
European struggle that centred round the contest betweejD his 
neph'ew Otto and Frederick of Sicily. The victory of Bou- 
vinB? assured for PJiilifiJ:he_pe,rinanentjdQmHiation oveTTJot- 
mandy, Mainej_Agjflu^Xpyj?ine, and Poitou. Only the south 
of Aquitame remained in the hands of John and his successors. 
These enormous additions to the monarchy were, for the most 
part, kept within the royal domain. Th eir acquisi tion was, 
the more significant because of the rapidity with which the 
bardlR'and people of the'AhgevTrtTlOTTlTmbns'acceptecrth^ 
of the King of France'. Even in England Philip's triumph 
^oduced so little irritation that the opposition to John cheer- 
fully called in his son Louis to be their king in the place 
of the hated tyrant.^ Though, after John's death, Louis was 
forced in 121 7 to return to France and renounce his English 
Louis in throne in favour of the little Henry in., his pre- 
Engiand. scncc In England, and the long war that preceded 
13x5-12x7. ^^^ attended it, made impossible any real efforts 
to win back the Angevin inheritance. The fall of th e 
English power in France first made possible_ji^real French 
natioiTunited in common obedience to the Capetian monarchs. 
It was^nb"TeS5^ital in fostering a similar national life beyond 
jhe CHannel. Henceforth England and France were separate 
and antagonistic though closely inter-related nationahties. 
Their common destiny, which had begun with the Norman 
Conquest, was now rudely shattered. The fragments of the 
Aquitanian heritage that still remained faithful to its English 
dukes belonged to the feudal and anti-monarchical South. T All 
that England's kings had once ruled in the Langiie d'oil was now 
transferred to Philip, who became henceforward not only the 
supreme monarch, but the <iifect feudal l ord of _ the most vig or- 
ous and most patriotic regi ons that con stitutedlhlsEiQfftJom. 

1 Petit-Dutaillis' Louis VIII., pp.' 30-183, gives by far the best 
account of this expedition. 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 397 

While Philip was thus conquering the Angevin North, a 
North-French Crusade was indirectly preparing the way for the 
direct rule of the Capetian kings over the South, phiiip h. 
There had long been three chief political and intel- and the 
lectual centres of South-French nationality. Two 
of these, the duchy of Aquitaine and the county of Toulouse 
[see pp. 90-91], were within the limits of the French kingdom. 
The third, the county of Provence, was beyond the Rhone, 
and, as a part of the ancient Arelate, subject to none save 
the Emperor. It was, however, a sufficiently representa- 
tive stronghold of Southern ideas for the term Provengal to 
be used as an equivalent to the tongue and literature of Oc. 
At these three courts chiefly flourished the subtle and exquisite 
literature of the Troubadours, whose delicate lyrics first showed 
the literary capacity of the vernacular Romance tongues, 
despite the limitations of their subjects, and the rigid fetters 
of their metric forms. The end of the twelfth century, the 
age of Richard the Lion Heart, of Bertrand of xheAibi- 
Born, and of Bernard of Ventadour, was the e^nsian 

1 • • • •, 1 • /- 1 rr. 1 -1 Heresy and 

palmiest time m the history of the Troubadours, the Trouba- 
and the most flourishing period of the brilliant, ^o^fs. 
corrupt, stormy, attractive civilisation of the Languedoc. The 
heres y, at once social a nd religious, of Jjoe Albigenses [see 
pp. 2 1 6-2i7]7tookardeep~EoTd in these w-ild jregifinSj^where 
the fiercest acts of feudal violeuce^and the bot-house growth 
of a premature culture stood over-against each other in the 
Strangest contrast. While elsewhere the wild misbelief of the 
twelfth century easily melted away before the steady influence 
of the Church, in Languedoc and Provence alone it bade fair 
to become the faith of a whole people. T oulouse and its 
neighbourhood were full of open foes of Church and clergy ; 
the'barons of the land were either heretics themselves, or 
favourers of heresy. The clergy were so unpopular that when 
they went abroad they carefully concealed their tonsure. *I 
had rather be a chaplain,' became a popular form of speech 
in cases where a good Christian had been wont to say, * I had 

398 European History, 918-1273 

rather be a Jew.' * If Black Monks,' wrote the poet Peire 
Cardinal, * may win salvation of God by much eating and by 
the keeping of women, White Monks by fraud. Templars and 
Hospitallers by pride, Canons by lending money on usury, 
then for fools I hold St. Peter and St. Andrew, who suffered 
for God such grievous torments. Kings, emperors, counts, 
and knights were wont to rule the world, but now I see clerks 
holding dominion over it by robbery, deceit, hypocrisy, force, 
and exhortation.' ^ The freebooting barons took this state of 
feeling as an excuse for laying violent hands on the property 
of the Church. Moral excesses, wilder than the ordinary 
immorality of a brutal age, became widespread. The whole 
land was filled with the tumult and licence of a premature 

Since the absorption of Aquitaine within the Angevin 
dominions, the court of Toulouse had become more important 
Raymond VI. than evcr as a centre of Languedocian life, 
of Toulouse. Raymond vi., the great-grandson of Raymond iv., 
of Saint Gilles, the hero of the First Crusade, was then Count 
of Toulouse. He was a prince of wide connections, extensive 
dominions, and considerable personal capacity. Through his 
mother, Constance, daughter of Louis vi., he was the first 
cousin of Philip Augustus. His marriage with Joan of Anjou, 
the sister of Richard i. and John, had secured him peace with 
his hereditary foe. He ruled not only over Toulouse and its 
dependencies ; as Duke of Narbonne he was lord of the 
Rouergue and the great coast region that extended from the 
frontiers of Roussillon to the right bank of the Rhone ; as 
Marquis of Provence, he ruled over a fertile portion of the 
Arelate on the left bank of the Rhone, extending farther north 
than Valence, and including the important town of Avignon. 
He was a notorious enemy of the clergy, and abettor of 
heretics, and only less conspicuous in the sahie policy was 

' Miss Farnell's Lives of the Troubadours, with Specimens of theit 
Poetry, give this (p. 222) and other illustrations of Proven9aI feeling. 
Luchaire's Innocent III. et la Croisade des Albis^eois !s useful for the 
whole subject. 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 399 

his vassal Raymond Roger, Viscount of Beziers. [Feeble 
efforts had long been made by the Church to grapple with 
the growing heresy, but the only response in Languedoc was 
fresh murders of priests, and expulsions of bi^ops from their 
dioceses, and of abbots from their monasteries. )So far back as 
1 184 Lucius III. had ordered all bishops to make inquiries as 
to the presence of heretics within their jurisdictions, a step 
from which the earlier or Episcopal Inquisition first arose. But 
little was actually effected until the accession of Innocent iii. 
marked the beginning of a more vigorous line of action. In 
1 198 two Cistercian monks were sent with the position of 
apostolic legates to win back the Toulousan heretics to the 
Church. For years they laboured incessantly, wandering and 
preaching throughout the land, and their unwearied zeal soon 
led a small band of enthusiasts to join them in their work. 
Innocent gave further powers to Peter of Castelnau, and 
Amaury, abbot of Ctteaux. In 1206 accident further associ- 
ated with them the Spanish canon Dominic (see chapter xviii.), 
who for ten long years preached with infinite perseverance, 
but little success, and carefully kept himself free from share 
in the violent measures that ere long supplemented the 
legitimate propaganda of orthodoxy. 

Peaceful means had availed little to win over the Albi- 
genses. Accident rather than design led Innocent iii. to fall 
back on force as well as persuasion. In 1207 
Peter of Castelnau excommunicated Raymond vi. peter of 
for refusing to restore certain churches on which Castelnau, 
he had laid violent hands. Like his father-in-law 
against Becket, Raymond spoke sharp words against the 
meddlesome priest, and one of his knights, taking him at 
his word, went to Saint-Gilles and murdered the legate 
in January 1208. This deed of blood was soon amply 
avenged. Innocent iii. deposed Raymond and preached 
a Crusade against him and his heretic subjects, whom 
he pronounced worse than Saracens. A twenty years' 
struggle then began in the South, which did not end until 

400 European History, 918-1273 

Languedoc lay ruined and helpless at the mercy of the 

A swarm of North French warriors took the cross in obedience 
to the papal appeal, though Philip Augustus prudently with- 
The Aibi. held from the whole movement. Some of the 
gensian Cru- greatest of his feudatories, including the Duke of 

sade and ° . 

Simon de Burgundy, were there, while among the lesser 
Montfort. lords, the unbending will and fierce religious zeal 
of Simon, Count of Montfort, soon gave him the claim for the 
first position among the leaders of the holy war, though Abbot 
Amaury of Citeaux, the Pope's legate, directed the policy of 
the whole expedition. Raymond quailed before the storm. 
He submitted himself absolutely to the legate, paid a severe 
penance for his crime before the abbey church of Saint- 
Gilles, surrendered his castles, and promised to chastise 
the heretics that he had favoured. In June 1209 he was 
absolved, and suffered to take the cross against his own 

Raymond Roger of Beziers scorned to share in his over- 
lord's submission. The full fury of the Crusaders was turned 
against him, and after fearful bloodshed his dominions were 
overrun. After two refusals from greater lords, the legate 
prevailed upon Simon of Montfort to accept the territory of 
the heretic viscount, which the Pope had pronounced forfeited. 
The Crusaders now went home, and the second act of the 
long struggle began when Montfort began to govern the 
dominions which .his good sword and papal favour had 
won for him. 

After the return of the Northern armies, the cowed South- 
erners again plucked up courage, and Montfort soon found 
that he had to hold Beziers and Carcassonne against the 
hostility of a whole people. The war now assumed a political 
as well as a religious character, for Simon was resisted not 
only by reason of his orthodoxy, but as a Northern interloper 
who had made religious zeal a pretext for personal aggrandise- 
ment. Before long Raymond vi. forgot his humiliation, and 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 401 

again took arms. As the result, a second Crusade was pro- 
claimed in 121 1, and once more the South was deluged in 
blood. Peter 11, of Aragon, a famous Crusader 
beyond the Pyrenees, at last proposed his media- Aragon and 
tion, but so strongly did the lust for Southern t^* battle of 

, , , . . , , , /. Muret, xai3. 

estates sharpen the religious zeal of the army of 
the Church that, though Innocent iii. was willing to accept 
his offers, the French themselves insisted on continuing the 
Crusade. Irritated at the rejection of his offer, Peter him- 
self intervened on behalf of the Count of Toulouse, but in 
1213 he lost his army and his life at the battle of Muret, 
where Montfort's clever tactics won a decided victory. This 
settled the fate of the South. Raymond vi. abandoned 
Toulouse, and was glad to save his life by another abject 
submission. Simon de Montfort became Count 

Simon de 

of Toulouse and Duke of Narbonne. He divided Montfort, 
his new territories amongst Northern lords who Count of 


stipulated to follow the ' customs of France,' that 
is, of their own homes. It was even a favour that some of 
the less guilty vassals, such as the Counts of Foix and Com- 
minges, were allowed, at the price of a complete humiliation, 
to receive back their lands as his subjects. As a still greater 
favour a mere fragment of Toulouse and the imperial mar- 
quisate of Provence were conferred on Raymond vii., the son 
of the deposed Count, who was glad to abdicate in his favour. 
/In the midst of the storms of war, the heresy of the Albigenses 
Sras slowly stamped out, and with it perished all that was 
most distinctive of Languedocian civilisation. The stern, 
brutal, effective rule of the Northern Count prepared the way 
for direct royal government. The dependence of the South 
on the North had begun. ) 

As the struggle proceeded, Philip Augustus gradually de- 
parted from his careful policy of non-intervention. In 1213 
he allowed his son Louis to take the cross, and helped 
Montfort to destroy the feudal castles of the South. Philip 
himself willingly invested Simon with the fief which his sword 


402 European History ^ 918-1273 

had won. But in a very few years Raymond vii. strove to 
win back for the house of Saint-Gilles its ancient position, 
and the Languedoc rose enthusiastically in his favour. The 
younger Raymond was as orthodox as Montfort, and under 
his influence the struggle became a mere political contest. As 
such it waged with varying fortunes for more than 
docjan thirteen years. Simon was slain in 12 18 as he 

reaction strove to storm revolted Toulouse, and his eldest 

Amaury de ' 

Montfort, and son, Amaury, who had few of his great gifts, was 

Raymond VII. jqqjj \^2^di prcssed by the triumphant Raymond. 

In 1219 Louis of France again led a Crusade in his favour. 

The death of the suspected Raymond vi. in 1222 was a 

further advantage to the Southern cause. Amaury soon saw 

that his chances were hopeless. When the French king 

died in 1223, Amaury had already offered to resign his 

claims in favour of his suzerain. 

Thllfi Philip AngV'iMi'i hy ^(^rrt- and cunning made France 

.a great State . Th ere was no longer any vas sal of the crown 

whose power overshadowed that of his sovereign, and the 

strongest feudatories of the monarchy now found it prudent to 

be on good terms with their mighty overlord. To them 

Philip wsiT'coiifteous and TrTeiiHly He had so much work 

to do in absorbing his conquests that he might well leave 

his vassals a good deal to themselves. Yet he 
Philip II. '8 , , . . /• ,. 

dealings with ncvcr ncglcctcd an opportunity for extending 

barons, clergy, j^jg power, and Systematically strove to establish 
and towns. ,. , . . , ,, , -- , • , 

direct relations with all the tenants of his vassals 

whom he could draw within his reach. Over his own tenants 

he exercised a constant and watchful superintendence. By 

the perfection of the administration of his domains, and by 

the gradual extension of the sphere of the royal courts, he 

was abl e to po se as the protector of peace, the friend of the_ 

poor, and the champion of the independence and integrity of 

tht nation. The humiliated feudalists took his pay and 

fought his battles. The conciliated clergy glorified his 

liberality and piety. Yet ^11 his friendship with Popp and 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 403 

prelates did not prevent Phili p froin Jceepin^ a tight h and 
dver^the great dignitaries of the Church. He forced the 
"prerates to pay their full share of suit and service. He strove 
to minimise the constant interference of the papal authority, 
even when his interests and his principles forbade him 
to openly set himself against it. ^JIe—VKas__a gqod^ friend 
to the townsmen. He felt himself so strong that he could 
— -atjafltdon iKeTeeBle and tentative policy of his predecessors, 
and boldly strike an alliance with the communes, though still 
discouraging the more revolutionary aspects of the com- 
munal movement. He was thus able to put even cities 
outside his domain under the royal protection. Nor 
did he content himself with giving towns charters of 
liberties. He loved to strengthen their fortifications, re- 
build their walls, encourage their industries, and protect 
their commerce. He encouraged foreign merchants to 
attend French markets and purchase French goods. 
TTndpr_h;<; fnsfrpring rp^^P T>i^r''^ ^lready_a great Growth of 
city, became the first modern capit al of a cen- Paris. 
tralisedTiationarstete. He built a strong wall, taking in the 
schoorsliir the south bank of the Seine, the royal residence 
and the cathedral in the island city, and the busy town of 
merchants and manufactures that was soon to make the 
north bank of the Seine the largest district of the capital. 
He ordered that the whole city should be paved with hard 
and firm stones. In his days the University of Paris received 
its first royal charters of privilege. Under him a crowd of 
fair buildings, conspicuous among them the cathedral of the 
capital, grew up in that new Gothic style that was soon 
to spread from the Isle of France all over the Western 
world. As the seat of the most famous schools north of 
the Alps, as the centre of the only centralised continental 
monarchy, and as the special haunt of the traders of 
Northern Gaul, Paris now took a unique place, not only 
among French towns, but among the cities of Western 

404 European History, 918-1273 

Philip was a soldier and diplomatist rather than an ad- 
ministrator or a legislator. His mission was to endow tlie 
Phiii '8 monarchy with adequate force rather than to 

administrative Organise it or to govern it after new fashions, 
reforms. yet the circumstances of his position compelled 

him to make new departures in the administrative history of 
France, and thus to lay the foundation of the system which 
was perfected by his famous grandson. The burdens thrown 
upon the royal court were now such that they could no 
longer be adequately discharged by casual assemblies of 
ignorant feudalists. The delicate functions of the chief 
officers of state could no longer be put into the hands of 
the baron in whose hands happened to lie the hereditary 
sergeanty. Hence, under Philip, we observe a further 
specialisation of an official class of knights and clerks whose 
skill and training could supplement the haphazard and un- 
certain services of the great barons. The system of adminis- 
tration that was enough for the scanty domains of his 
predecessors would have broken down under the, responsi- 
bilities involved by the conquest of Normandy and Anjou, 
had not Philip, before his departure for the Crusade, con- 
stituted a new class of royal officials called 3a^ij, who were 
to act as supervisors and directors of the feudal provosts who 
had hitherto administered the royal domain. Each bailli 
took charge of a large area of territory, within which he 
held monthly assizes to render justice in the king's name to 
all his subjects. From time to time he appeared at 
Paris, where he handed in an account of their administra- 
tion, and paid into the exchequer the sums levied by him in 
his provinces. But the growth of the royal revenue was 
hardly commensurate with the increased strain on it, and 
„. . , Philip found that success rather added to than 

Character of ^ 

Philip diminished his difficulties. He was a hot-tem- 

Augustaa. pered, strong, and active man, 'easy to anger 
and easy to appease,' whose boisterous joviality, free living, 
and robust, vigorous temperament did something to make 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 405 

him popular, but whose complete personal impression it is 
hard to grasp, even in the scanty measure in which it is 
safe to individualise the shadowy statesmen of the Middle 
Ages, In his sudden gusts of passion he could be pitilessly 
cruel, but he was more commonly to be condemned for 
his violence, his cunning, > and his unsc ru pulous w ay_of 
overreaching his enemies. _Yet his panegyrist could say 
of him^tha^ he Moved justice as his own mother, strove 
to exact mercy above judgment ; was ever a follower of the 
truth, and surpassed all kings in conjugal chastity.' Such 
statements show that the contemporary standard was not 
very high. But even after time had soured Philip's temper 
and brutahsed his passions, he still laboured manfully to the 
last. He was the first French king whose power was so 
firmly established that there was no need for him to crown 
his son kin^ in his own lifetime. He was almost the only 
king of his age whose son worked faithfully and ungrudg- 
ingly in hls^rvice, and was content to bide the time when 
nature should call him to his father's kingdom. 

Philip ii.'s successor was already six-and-thirty years of age, 
a tried soldier, a successful statesman, and a man whose 
private virtues far outshone those of his father, Louis viii,, 
though he was much less able. Louis viii.'s weak ^^a-iaae. 
health and cold disposition made him the very opposite 
of Philip. His piety, his chastity, his love of truth and 
justice, were certain. Despite his poor physique, his personal 
prowess gave him the surname of the Lion. He had been 
long schooled in the execution of his father's policy, and as 
king he had no wish but to carry it out still further. Louis' 
short reign of three years is therefore but a continuation 
of the reign of Philip Augustus. His simple mission 
was to gather the fruits of his predecessor's labours. His 
whole reign was occupied in turning to the profit of the 
crown the results of the collapse of the Angevin power and 
of the triumph of the Albigensian Crusade. 

Despite the earlier conquests of Philip and Louis, the 

406 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 

authority of the crown was still but partially established over 
Poitou. Hugh of I.usignan, though now step-father of the 
little Henry in., still played a treacherous and ambiguous 
game, and for the moment again declared himself on the 
The Con- French side. Louis assembled a great army at 
quest of Tours and led in on a triumphant progress from 

Poitou. jj^g Loire to the Dordogne. The regents of the 

English king did little but enter into ineffective negotiations. 
Louis meanwhile took Niort, Saint Jean d'Angely, and La 
Rochelle, after which the barons of the Limousin, Saintonge, 
and P^rigord made their submission to him. 'Save the 
Gascons, who dwell beyond the Garonne,' boasted a French 
chronicler, 'all the princes of Aquitaine now promised fealty 
to King Louis, and then he went back to France.* 

The renewal of the Albigensian Crusade now called Louis 
to the South. Amaury de Montfort had already fled from his 
heritage, and had vainly implored the help of Philip Augustus. 
Louis VIII. now showed the fugitive greater consideration 
than his father had done. He had already fought as a 
Crusader against the Southern heretics. His piety was kindled 
by the renewed appeals of the legate of Honorius in., while 
the helplessness of Amaury indicated that the results of 
success were bound to fall to the crown. Early in 1226 
Louis again took the cross, and Raymond vii. was again 
excommunicated and deposed. Amaury abdicated his rights 
in favour of the king. The clergy provided funds, and the 
Catholic chivalry of the North soon flocked to the crusading 

In the early summer of 1226, Louis with his Crusaders 
marched southwards down the Rhone valley, overrunning the 
marquisate of Provence. He met no opposition 
of the until he approachgcLA jignon, a citj^ lon g^Jcnown 

Albigensian ^^e a hotbcd of heresy. The townsmen refused 
him a passage over the Rhone, and it was therefore 
necessary to conquer the city before Languedoc could be entered. 
After an obstinate struggle Avignon was captured, and Louis 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 407 

continued his triumphal march up to the gates of Toulouse. 
But the crusading army broke up before the capital of Ray- 
mond had surrendered. The barons were tired of the long and 
weary marches, and sickness had devastated the host. Louis 
himself was prostrated by sickness, and after providing for 
the administration of his conquests hurried back to the North. 
He had only reached Auvergne when he was carried off by a 
deadly fever. He had done enough for the monarchy by the 
great march which had first brought home to the Languedoc 
the majesty of the Capetlan king. 

A severe fe udal reaction followed the unexpected death of 
Louis vin. He had left a numerous family by Blanche of 
"Castile, but the eldest child, who was crowned ^^^ Regenc 
Louis IX. within three weeks of his father's death, of Blanche of 
was only twelve years of age, and it required all Sfe^feuda"** 
the skill and courage of his mother to preserve reaction, 
for him even the semblance of authority. The "'^-"ss- 
dispositions of her husband's will did not make matters any 
better. Breaking with the tradition of the early Capetians, 
Louis VIII. assigned by his testament a large territorial appanage 
to each of his younger children. Great slices were to be cut 
out of the royal domain that Robert the second son might 
be Count of Artois, Alfonse the third Count of Poitou, and 
Charles the youngest Count of Anjou and Maine. A new race 
of feudal potentates was thus supplied from the bosom of the 
royal house itself. The error involved in such a policy is one 
of the commonplaces of history, and for the next two cen- 
turies the hostility to the crown of younger branches of the 
Capetian family was often to prove almost as formidable as 
that of the ancient separatist seigneurs. But the fault of 
Louis has perhaps been unduly censured. Neither the 
resources of a mediaeval monarch, nor the conditions of the 
time, made it possible for the king to permanently appropriate 
to himself an indefinite extent of domain, nor to deprive his 
kinsmen of the state due to their exalted birth. If the policy 
of Louis lost Artois to France for many centuries, it made it 

408 European History, 918-1273 

possible for Alfonse and Charles to act as the most efficient 
pioneers of the Capetian monarchy in the South. The rule of 
a royal prince over his appanage was often the best transition 
from pure independence towards complete incorporation with 
the monarchy. 

A great feudal coalition soon formed against Blanche of 
Castile. She was a foreigner, haughty and unsympathetic, 
and strong enough to excite fierce personal antipathy. 'A 
woman in sex she was,' says Matthew Paris, * a man in counsel, 
worthy to be compared with Semiramis.' The younger 
members of the royal house, headed by Philip Hurepel, 
Count of Boulogne, the legitimised son of Philip 11. and Agnes 
of Meran, joined with his kinsman Peter Mauclerc of Brittany, 
whose skill and courage soon made him the head of the 
league. The persecuted Raymond of Toulouse plucked up 
courage to unite himself with the coalition. Hugh of La 
Marche deserted the falling cause of royalty, and again 
became friendly with his son-in-law, Henry of England, who 
saw in the distress of the young king a chance of winning 
back his lost territories in France. Theobald iv. of Cham- 
pagne, alone of the great feudatories, remained faithful to the 
royal cause. 

The barons demanded the reversal of the policy of the 
last two reigns, and the restitution of their ancient rights. 
What power they were willing to leave the crown was to be 
placed in the hands of Philip of Boulogne, and the Spanish 
queen was to be sent back to her native country. Blanche 
did not quail before the storm. She appealed from the 
barons to the clergy and people. She secured the neutrality 
of Frederick 11., and the open support of Honorius iii. By the 
rapidity and unity of her movements she sought to break up 
the unwieldy and disorganised levies of her opponents. 
When she could no longer hold her own in the Isle of France, 
she went with her young son to Troyes, and threw herself 
on the protection of the Count of Champagne. Having 
failed in the first great blow, the feudal coalition slowly 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 409 

dissolved. It kept France in a state of anarchy for several 
years, but it was not strong enough to do more. Peter of 
Brittany strove hard to get English support, but it was not 
until 1230 that the young Henry iii. came to France, and 
then, after an abortive march through Poitou, the English 
went home again, and the feudalists were as far from success 
as ever. Next year Peter failed in an intrigue to win over 
Theobald of Champagne to his side. He finally strove to stir 
up a revolt against Theobald in favour of Alice, queen of 
Cyprus, the daughter of Theobald's uncle, Henry, king of 
Jerusalem. But this also failed, and the queen of Cyprus 
renounced her claims. In 1234 Theobald attained the climax 
of his power by succeeding to the kingdom of Navarre as the 
heir of his uncle Sancho. Philip of Boulogne was dead. 
Peter of Brittany sullenly made his peace with the triumphant 
Castilian. The monarchy of Philip Augustus had proved 
strong enough to survive a minority and the rule of a foreign 

A n otable result o X„t]afiLJtriumph of the crown was the 
settlement of the question of Toulouse by'^~comproriiiie" 
that was all in favour of the monarchyT The 
Albigensian Crusade had died away amid the ^jie Treaty 

- . ., . , , ofMeauxand 

Storms of civil war, and against so orthodox a the exten- 
prince as Raymond vii. it had never been more ^'0° "ft^e 

*^ ' . royal domain 

than a sorry pretext for aggression. In 1229 to the Medi. 
Raymond concluded the Treaty of Meaux with **""3nean, 
the regent, by which he retained, though on 
humiliating conditions, a portion of his sovereignty. He 
yielded up to the crown the duchy of Narbonne, the eastern 
part of his dominions, from the Rhone to beyond Carcas- 
sonne, and was confirmed in his possession of the county 
of Toulouse. He was, however, to rase the walls of his 
capital and thirty other towns, to admit a royal garrison 
into the castle of Toulouse, to wage wnr against the heretics, 
to provide orthodox doctors to teach the true faith at 
Toulouse, and go on pilgrimage to Palestine. He was to 

4 TO European History, 918-1273 

marry his daughter and heiress to Blanche's younger son 
Alfonse, and so secure to the Capetians the ultimate suc- 
cession to all his dominions. Another result of the treaty 
was the organisation of a systematic effort to stamp out the 
last remnants of the Albigensian heresy. Immediately after 
The the treaty a systematic Episcopal Inquisition, 

Inquisition, guch as Lucius III. had contemplated in 
II 84, was set up in every diocese of Languedoc. In 
1233 it was supplemented by a Papal Inquisition, estab- 
lished by Gregory ix. This latter gave unity to persecution 
by overstepping the rigid diocesan limits. Its direction was 
given to the followers of the same Dominic who had preached 
so long in vain in Toulouse. But Gregory did not put his 
whole trust in the fires of the inquisitors. At the same time 
that he created their grim tribunal, he established the Uni- 
versity of Toulouse, the first studium generale set up by papal 
bull, and thus gave wider currency to the orthodox teaching 
which the care of Honorius had already established there. 
The faculty of theology passed at once into Dominican hands, 
and the orthodox dialectic of the schoolmen soon replaced the 
lay and lax culture of the troubadours. Only in the county 
of Provence did the troubadours still continue their songs. 
The independenceo fjhe S outh was at an end, andt he royal 
dopiain for th^J&rst timeitoucESCm^MeiititETraneair Sut the 
greater sympathy now shown for the Soultiem people came 
out in the reversal of Montfort's rude efforts to introduce the 
customs of the North. 

Louis ix.'s personal government began in 1235, when his 
mother laid down the regency in his favour. Though nur- 
Character of turcd amidst the storms of rebellion, and exposed 
St Louis. tQ r^\ tjjg temptations of one who was a king from 
early boyhood, Blanche had so carefully provided for his 
education that his simple, just, and straightforward disposi- 
tion was allowed full scope for its development. He early 
became an example of piety to all his realm. He regularly 
frequented the canonical hours of the Church, rising from 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 41 1 

his bed, like a monk, to attend matins at midnight, and again 
in the early morning for prime. His fasts, his discipline, his 
rigid self-denial, were beyond all ordinary measure. The 
length of his private devotions exhausted the patience of his 
nobles, and even wearied his confessor; but he told the 
Ijarons that they wasted more time every day in gambling and 
hunting, and shame compelled them to be silent. His 
devotion was not merely one of outward forms. His fer- 
vent and exalted piety shone through every action of his 
simple and well-ordered life. He was the soul of honour 
and chastity. He ate and drank very sparingly, always 
mixing his wine with water, and consuming whatever meats 
happened to be set before him. Though on solemn occasions 
he was clad in gold and rich stuffs, his ordinary garments 
were of simple cut and sober colour. He detested oaths, 
violent and impure speech, idle gossip, lies, and tale-bearing. 
His patience was unending, and his good temper unruffled. 
His humility was extreme and quite without ostentation. 
His charity was immense and unbounded. He was not 
only a great giver of alms and founder of churches, monas- 
teries, and hospitals. He daily fed the poor at his table, 
and visited the sick and wretched at their own abodes. 
He washed the feet of repulsive beggars and cripples. He 
did not shrink from contact with the lepers. His simple 
enthusiasm for good works powerfully affected the rough 
barons with whom he was brought into contact. ' To see or 
hear him,' we are told, 'brought comfort and calm to the 
most troubled spirit.' 

Jffiith- ali his piety and simplicity, there was nothing weak 
_or puerile in Louis' character. His extreme asceticism had no 
touch of tlie gloomy moroseness or inhumanity of the baser 
type of mediaeval devotees. His habits were as robust, as manly, 
as they were simple. He enjoyed vigorous health. His tall, 
well-knit frame, bright, keen eye, fair flowing hair, and good- 
humoured blonde face, made him the model of a high-born 
knight. Not, perhaps, endowed with any high measure of 

412 European Htsior}', giZ-i27Z 

intellectual capacity, he had a firm will, a sane judgment, a 
shrewd sense of his own limitations, and the strong common- 
sense that makes a good man of affairs. He was pleasant 
and easy of access, delighting in unrestrained intercourse 
with his friends, and reckless of the etiquette and ceremony 
that were beginning to hedge even a feudal court. With all 
his ambition to live a 'regular' life, he did not scorn the 
married state nor neglect the softer domestic virtues, and his 
love for his children caused him early to abandon a hope 
he at one time entertained of entering a monastery. As a 
young man he delighted in the chase, in well-trained hawks 
and high-mettled horses, and could entertain his barons with 
sumptuous and regal hospitality. He was one of the bravest 
of soldiers, preserving a rare coolness in the fierce hand-to- 
hand struggle of a mediaeval battle, and never losing hope or 
cheerfulness. He was as good a king as he was a man, 
tenacious of all royal rights that had been handed down from 
his forefathers, and constantly striving to uphold his authority 
as the best guarantee of the peace and prosperity of his 
people. He made his own the policy of his grandfather, 
though in his hands it lost its original taint of fraud and 
violence. He was the friend of the clerk, the friar, the 
monk, the simple knight, and the burgess. He depressed the 
great feudalists the more completely since he was scrupulous 
to allow them every power that law or custom recognised to 
be theirs. He enlarged his dominions the more securely 
since his scrupulous conscience forbade him taking unfair 
advantage even of his enemy. He could withstand the 
aggressions of a greedy pope or a self-seeking bishop the 
more effectively since his devotion to the Church and his zeal 
for her just rights were patent to all men. He could build up 
a new administrative system adequate for the government 
of his vast realm since it was common fame that his motive 
was not self-aggrandisement, but the well-being of his whole 
people. As a Christian and as a man, as a statesman and as 
a warrior, he was the exemplar of all that was best in his age. 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 413 

After his death he was raised to the honours of sanctity, and 
subsequent ages have revered in St. Louis the very ideal of a 
loyat knight jind Christian king. 

The first care for the young king was the completion of the 
conquest of the South-west. His way had already been made 
smooth for him. Raymond of Toulouse, curbed ^^^ settle- 
by the Dominicans and the French garrison, was mentofthe 
no longer dangerous, and the greater part of his south-west. 
old dominions were ruled by the royal seneschals of Beaucaire 
and Carcassonne. In 1237 his heiress Joan was married to 
Louis's brother, Alphonse, who, on his father-in-law's death, 
was thus destined to become Count of Toulouse. 

Though Alfonse was thus nobly provided for, Louis' 
strict fidelity to his father's will conferred upon him and his 
brothers the rich appanages which the previous king had be- 
queathed to them in their cradles. In 1241 he held a great 
court at Saumur, where, clad in blue satin and red mantle 
lined with ermine, he royally feasted with the chief barons of 
France in the noble hall built by Henry of Anjou. Aifonse, 
There he made Alfonse a knight, and after- Count of 

. ' . . , Poitou and 

wards, taking him to Poitiers, invested him with Auvergne, 
the counties of Poitiers and Auvergne. For the *^*- 
moment all was well. Hugh of Lusignan had banqueted at 
Saumur, and had sworn fealty to Alfonse at Poitiers. But before 
long his wife, the former queen of England, stirred him up to 
resist his liege lord and fall back upon his ancient alliance with 
his step-son. The Poitevin barons met at Parthenay, eager to 
oppose the crown. * The French,' they declared, ' have always 
hated the Poitevins, and will always continue to do so. They 
would fain trample us under their feet, and use us more con- 
temptuously than the Normans or the Albigeois. In Cham- 
pagne and Burgundy the king's servants carry all before them, 
and the nobles dare do nothing without their leave. We had 
better die than live such a slavish life.' A league was soon 
formed ; the English seneschal of Bordeaux sent immediate 
help. Even Raymond of Toulouse ventured to revolt, and 

414 European History^ 918-1273 

his subjects murdered inquisitors and chased away the 
Dominican theologians of the University. All the old spirits 
of disorder were aroused, and in 1242 Henry of England 
landed in Saintonge with a considerable army, joyfully profit- 
ing by the opportunity to vindicate his ancient claims to 

Louis IX. was now forced to appear at the head of an 
army in the South. In a short, one-sided campaign he carried 
Battle of ^ before him. He secured the passage of the 
saintes, and Charentc by driving the Anglo-Poitevin host 
fh^Eng^hsh^ from the bridge of Taillebourg, and on 22nd 
and Poit- July won a decisive victory outside the walls of 
ev ns, 124a- Saintes. He pressed on to Blaye on the Gironde, 
where a sudden sickness alone prevented him from cross- 
ing over to the siege of Bordeaux. But he had gained all 
that he sought. Hugh of La Marche made a humiliating 
submission, and his sons sought a freer and more adventurous 
career with their half-brother in England. The Count of 
The Treaty Toulouse yielded before the seneschal of Carcas- 
of Lorris, Sonne in time to avert a new Crusade. In 1243 
humUiatioir ^^ Pcace of Lorris renewed the humiliating con- 
of Raymond ditions of the Treaty of Meaux. * Henceforth,' 
VII., 1243. g^yg William of Nangis, 'the barons no longer 
attempt to do anything against their king, the Lord's anointed, 
seeing clearly that the hand of the Lord was with him.* 

Nothing now remained but to gather up the spoils. The 
careful administration of Alfonse at Poitiers prepared the way 
Aifonse ^o^ the direct absorption of the lands between 

of Poitiers, Loire and Garonne within the royal domain. 
Toulouse, In 1249 the beaten Raymond vii. died, and 
«*49- his son-in-law quietly succeeded to his heritage. 

Northern laws and manners gradually permeated the South. 
The improvements of administration which St. Louis had 
established in his domain were adopted by his intelligent 
brother. A single parliament or high law court was 
created for all Alfonse's fiefs, and the South for the first 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 415 

time felt the advantages of law and order. The Langue d'oc 
leceded before the new court tongue of the Langue d'oil. 
* Bastides ' and ' Villeneuves ' were set up as new centres of 
trade and to diminish the importance and prosperity of the 
older separatist towns.^ Vast castles of the northern ^pe kept 
down the disobedient. Gothic minsters, like the cathedral 
of Limoges and the choir of Toulouse, were reared by North 
French workmen side by side with the indigenous Romanesque 
that had lingered as long in the South as in the Rhineland. 
When Alfonse died without heirs in 12 71, his counties of 
Toulouse and Poitiers and his land of Auvergne quietly 
devolved on his nephew Philip iii. 

There still remained the danger of the English dukes of 
Gascony, but Henry iii. was now Louis' good friend and 
brother-in-law, and too occupied in quarrels with his 
subjects to concern himself overmuch with the affairs of 
Aquitaine. Henry remained, however, tenacious of his rights, 
and the vigorous rule of his brother-in-law, Simon of Mont- 
fort, the younger,^ showed what a source of strength Aqui- 
taine might become in competent hands. Here ^j^^ Treaty 
St. Louis' moderation and sense of justice stood of Pans and 
him in good stead, and led him to make one of **** ^..^"'.fil 

° ' _ mentwith 

the greatest sacrifices ever ma^e by a strong king Henry iii., 
in the interests of peace. /He persuaded the "^^' 
English king to yield up h» vain claims on Normandy and 
Anjou in return for the cession of considerable districts 
in the South, long conquered and quietly ruled by Louis' 
seneschals.^ He yielded at the moment 'all the rights which 
he had iiy the three bishoprics of Limoges, Cahors, and 
Perigueux, in fiefs and in domains,' that is to say, the 
homages of the barons of those regions, for Louis' domains 

^ See Curie Seimbres' Essai sur les villes fondles dans le sud-ouest de la 
France aux xiti' et xiif Slides sous le nom de bastides [Toulouse, l88o]. 

^ See on this subject M. Bemont's Simon de Montfort. On the 
general position of the English Dukes of Guienne, see the R6ks Gascons, 
now being published in the Documents inidits sur Thistoire de France, 
with M. Bemont's invaluable introductory sketch. 

4 1 6 European History, 918-1273 

there were insignificant. He also promised on the death 
of Alfonse, to yield to Henry Saintonge south of the 
Charente, the Agenais, and lower Quercy. The treaty 
was drawn up at Abbeville in 1258 and finally sealed at 
Paris in the following year. It was the last act in the long 
struggle for Normandy and Poitou, the legal limitation of 
the English king's land in France to a small fragment of 
their Aquitanian heritage. The good faith of St. Louis 
was not strictly followed by his successor, and Edward i. 
found some difficulty in obtaining the cessions promised on 
Alfonse's death. At last, in the treaty of Amiens, 1279, 
matters were compromised by the cession of the Agenais.^ 
Future disputes between the French kings and the Aqui- 
tainian dukes were in due course to arise, but they turned on 
fresh questions. The loyalty of St. Louis had entirely ended 
the ancient grounds of dispute between overlord and vassal. 

No overwhelming growth of the royal domain in Northern 

France marked the reign of Louis, but the vast acquisitions 

Kin ®^ Philip II. were quietly absorbed, and their in- 

andthe habitants became good Frenchmen. Four fiefs 

northern ^f jj^g gj.gj Qj-^jgr jjow alone remained in the 


Appanages of north, and only two of these — Flanders and 
the royal Brittany — retained a separatist character. 

bouse. ^ . . *^ 

Despite their extension of power over the 
Pyrenees, the house of Blois-Champagne was ever friendly 
to Louis, and his purchase of Macon had kept Burgundy 
in check. No great harm to the central power followed, 
when in 1237 Louis made his brother Robert Count of Artois, 
and in 1245 his youngest brother Charles became Count of 
Anjou and Maine, especially as, in the latter case, Touraine, 
the ancient dependency of Anjou, was retained within 
the royal domain. At the later date Louis also granted 
appanages to his younger sons, Peter becoming Count of 
Alen^on, and Robert Count of Clermont-en-Beauvaisis. 
But the subsequent marriage of Robert to the heir of 
' See Tout's Edward I. (Twelve English Statesmen), pp. 86-92. 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 417 

Bourbon brought another great fief under the control of 
the royal house. Charles's early government of Anjou was 
vigorous and successful, and did something to reconcile 
the ancient county to its practical loss of independence. But 
Charles soon found a better sphere for his energies in the 
imperial lands adjacent to the French kingdom. He strove 
for a time to establish himself in the county of Hainault, as 
the ally of Margaret of Flanders. He finally found a more 
fruitful field in the Arelate, where he proved a worthy brother 
to Alfonse of Poitiers, as the precursor of Northern influence 
over the South. 

The fall of Toulouse left the county of Provence the one 
great centre of the South French national spirit. Though 
technically no part of the French kingdom, it was 

J , . . , Provence 

one in language, manners, and sympathies with under Ray- 
the county of Toulouse, whose princes had indeed '"""^ 
acquired possession of the so-called March of 
Provence, between the Durance and the Isbre. So long as 
the Languedocian civilisation was strong, the hereditary ani- 
mosities of the Counts of Provence and the Counts of Toulouse 
did much to weaken the political cohesion of two kindred 
peoples. In the face of the wave of Northern aggression, 
signs were not wanting that the ancient feuds of the courts 
of Aix and Toulouse were abating. Raymond Berengar v. 
had been Count of Provence since 1209. By his mar- 
riage with Beatrix, daughter of Thomas, Count of Savoy, 
he had established a close union wi;h the active and aggres- 
sive house that was beginning to make itself a formidable 
power in the upper region of the ancient Arelate. But four 
daughters only were the offspring of the union, and were not 
some special precautions taken there was the danger lest 
Raymond Berengar should be the last of his race .. 

•' ° Marriages 

to rule in Provence. The astute Provencal looked of his 
out early for wealthy husbands for his daughters, slaughters. 
The eldest, Margaret, became the wife of St. Louis himself 
in 1234. Two years later Eleanor, the second, was wedded 


4i8 European History , 918-1373 

to Henry iii. of England. The third, Sanchia, was espoused 
in 1244 to Richard earl of Cornwall, the future King of the 
Romans. The youngest, Beatrice, was the destined heiress 
of Provence, and everything depended upon her choice of a 
husband. During the crisis of the struggle in the south-west, 
Raymond vii. repudiated his Spanish wife and became a 
suitor for the hand of Beatrice. Had such a union been 
accomplished, it would have been easy to cheat Alfonse of 
Poitiers of the Toulouse succession, and a brilliant prospect 
was opened out of a great national state in southern Gaul, 
formed by the union, ot Toulouse and Provence, which 
would have surrounded the royal S^n^chauss^es of Beaucaire 
and Carcassonne, and might well have proved strong 
enough to ward off the aggressions of the northerners. 
But with the collapse of the English power at Saintes and 
the submission of Raymond at Lorris, this glowing vision 
vanished for ever. It was too late in the day to stem the 
tide that had already overflowed. Raymond Berengar died 
in 1245, and soon after the marriage of Beatrice to Charles 
of Anjou established a Northern court at Aix as well as at 

For the next twenty years (1245-1265) Charles of Anjou 

carried on in Provence the same work that Alfonse had long 

been doing at Poitiers and was soon to begin at 

Anjou, Count Toulouse. The ablest, strongest, fiercest, and 

of Provence, most unscrupulous of the sons of Louis VIII., the 

1345" 1365 • • 

new Count of Provence thoroughly established 
Northern methods of government and Northern ideals of 
life in the last home of the civilisation of the Troubadours. 
Charles's success was brilliant and lasting. The great church- 
men, like the archbishop of Aries, ceased to be temporal 
sovereigns. The feudal nobles lost their independence when 
their leader, Barral des Baux, despairing of holding his rock- 
built stronghold against his suzerain, gave up his pursuit of 
feudal freedom and became one of Charles's most trusted 
ministers. The cities, which had hitherto vied with their 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 419 

Italian neighbours in their love of absolute autonomy, saw 
their municipal franchises destroyed when revolted Marseilles 
was starved into submission, while the care Charles showed 
for its commercial interests soon did something to reconcile 
the wealthy citizens to the loss of their liberties. Master 
of every order of his subjects, Charles welded all Provence 
together by the skilful execution of good laws. As a result 
of his careful policy, he was gradually able to dispense with 
his Northern followers and intrust administration and arms 
to his Provengal subjects. The last of the Troubadours 
fled to the more congenial courts of Aragon and northern 
Italy. The successes of Charles began that long series of 
French aggressions on the Arelate, which only ceased when 
Savoy itself became French less than forty years ago. This 
was the natural and inevitable result of the development 
of the idea of nationality and the decay of the imperiaJ. 
principle. As the Provencal lands could not form a national 
state of their own, they ultimately found their salvation in 
incorporation with the more vigorous nationality of the 
Langue d'oil. 

The .fQtei£n_pplicy of St. Louis was inspired by the same 
spirit of justice and pe*ace°lhat regulated his dealings with 
his feudatories. We have seen his watchful care Foreign Policy 
of the just rights of the English king. His of st. Louis. 
Treaty of Corbeil of 1258, with James i., king of Aragon, 
was based on the same principles as the Treaty of Paris 
with Henry iii. By it Louis renounced all rights over 
the county of Barcelona, in return for James's His relations 
abandonment of his claims over Foix and all *° Spain, 
lands north of Rousillon. By an almost nominal con- 
cession, Louis thus broke the close tie between the kindred 
civilisations north and south of the Pyrenees which, in the 
days of the Albigensian Wars, had threatened to counter- 
balance the growing influence of the French crown over the 
south. By the marriage of Louis's eldest son, Philip, to 
James's daughter, Isabella of Aragon, the personal tie between 

420 European History, 918-1273 

the two realms was made the stronger. Two daughters of 
Louis were wedded to Spanish princes, one to the son of the 
king of Castile, another to Theobald the Young, king of 
Navarre and count of Champagne, Even the establishment 
of the most faithful of the great feudatories in the little king- 
dom of Navarre helped, rather than hindered, the progress 
of the French monarchy. The Champenois Joinville became 
the most attached follower, the most enthusiastic biographer 
of St. Louis. 

The long quarrel of Papacy and Empire gave ample oppor- 
tunities for an ambitious prince to draw profit to France from 
Louis and ^^eir dissensions. The anti-clerical policy of 
the Empire. Frederick II. afforded plenty of pretexts to so 
pious a king as Louis for putting himself on the papal side and 
making what annexations he could at the expense of Frederick's 
weakness. But though troubled by the Emperor's ecclesiasti- 
cal attitude, Louis did not forget Frederick's forbearance in 
the days when Blanche of Castile was struggling single-handed 
against the feudal party, and he was by no means satisfied 
with the rancorous attitude of the Papacy. He therefore 
strove to take up a strict neutrality between Pope and Em- 
peror. He rejected the offer of the imperial crown which 
Gregory ix. made to Robert of Artois. He refused to re- 
ceive Innocent iv. when he fled from Italy, and disregarded 
the deposition of the Emperor at Lyons. He strove hard at 
Cluny to reconcile Innocent and Frederick. The only occa- 
sion when he prepared to uphold the Pope was when it was 
believed that Frederick was crossing Mont Cenis with a great 
army in full marcli for Lyons. This judicious policy was 
especially pursued by him since he realised that the essential 
condition of a new Crusade was the friendship of Csesar 
and the Pope. When the last chances of reconciliation 
were ended, he went, in 1248, to Egypt, to fight single- 
handed for the cause which he had at heart On his return 
in 1254, he found Frederick dead and the Empire as good 
as destroyed Yet during the weary years of the Great 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 421 

Interregnum, he never, as we shall see, departed from the 
ancient strictness of his policy. He had no wish that his 
brother-in-law, Richard of Cornwall, should revive the ancient 
alliance of England and Germany. He preferred to recognise 
Alfonso of Castile, but he took no direct action to sustain his 
preference. The position of Richard in Germany removed 
his last scruples about the Sicilian inheritance. He allowed 
Charles of Anjou to accept in 1265 the Sicilian throne, and 
marred his later policy by his undue deference to his un- 
scrupulous brother. The deviation of the Crusade of 1270 
to Tunis was the result of Charles's wish to strengthen his 
Italian position. Louis's death was thus in a measure due to 
the influence of the prince who had become the evil spirit of 
the French royal house. 

Towards the end of his reign Louis was incontestably 
the first prince of Europe. The collapse of the Hohen- 
staufen, the weakness of his English brother-in- p^^^^g ^j^^ 
law, the position of his own brethren in the chief Power 
South and in Italy, the degradation of the feuda- °^ Europe, 
tories, all contributed to make the power of Louis great, but 
the unique position which the French monarch now held was 
due not so much to his authority and resources as to the 
ascendency won by his personal character and virtues. His 
reputation for impartiality and his recognised love of peace 
and justice made him the natural arbiter in every delicate 
question, the general peace-maker in every European quarrel. 
Louis's arbitration between Henry iii. and his barons, if the 
least successful of his interventions, was but one example of 
his activity in this direction, both with regard to foreign 
princes and his own feudatories. It was too much to expect 
that even the best of kings would decide otherwise than in 
favour of a brother monarch against an aristocracy whose 
avowed object was the transference of the royal authority to 
a committee of barons. It speaks strongly for Louis that 
the English barons should ever have consented to submit to 
his decision 

422 European History, 918-1273 

The internal government of Louis ix. must now be con- 
sidered. His attitude towards the feudal barons has been 
Home Policy already illustrated. The narrowness of his vision 
of St. Louis, and the justness of his character combined to 
make it impossible for him to adopt an anti-feudal policy like 
that of his grandson, Philip the Fair. He was the defender 
of all existing lawful authority, but if he intervened to pro- 
tect the oppressed barons from the zeal of his too active 
officials, he more often used his influence to make the barons 
exercise towards their dependants the same rigid justice he was 
ever willing to manifest to them. His forbidding of private 
war, the judicial duel, and the tournaments which were often 
little better than thinly disguised war, were the result of his 
love of peace and order ; but they cut at the root of feudal 
ideas, with which indeed any real measure of peace and order 
were almost incompatible. 

Louis's relations to the Church bring out strongly the best 
sides of his character. No king was ever so anxious to give 
Louis and ^^ Church its due, and to protect churchmen 
the Church. from grasping barons or greedy crown officials. 
He regarded his rights of patronage and his custody of the 
temporalities of vacant sees as sacred trusts, and he strove, 
so far as he could, to prevail upon his barons to follow in his 
footsteps. Guided by the wise counsels of William of Au- 
vergne, bishop of Paris for the first twenty years of his reign, 
he safeguarded the interests of the monarchy as well as the 
interests of the Church. It was in his reign that the married 
clerks engaged in commerce were, at Louis's instance, aban- 
doned to the jurisdiction of the lay tribunals, and yet Louis 
more than once associated himself with his barons in protest- 
ing against the growing aggressions of the ecclesiastical courts. 
It was under Louis that the French clergy first felt the weight 
of regular and systematic taxation. The extraordinary favour 
which he showed to the Mendicants cost him something of 
the good wishes of the secular clergy and of the older 
orders. Franciscans and Dominicans were his chaplains and 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 423 

confessors, his habitual companions, and the instruments even 
of his secular policy. Their influence over him contributed 
towards the establishment of the Mendicants in a strong 
position in the University of Paris, despite violent secular 
opposition. Through the Mendicants Louis was ever inclined 
to ally himself with the Pope against the secular clergy. Yet 
that alliance had, as we have seen, its limits. The champions 
of Gallican liberties in the fifteenth century were not altogether 
at fault in regarding St. Louis as the first upholder of the 
national freedom of the French Church. The so-called ' Prag- 
matic Sanction of St. Louis ' is indeed a forgery of the 
fifteenth century, but the hostility it expresses to simony, to 
papal taxation, to the temporal claims of Rome and the 
abuses of ecclesiastical elections, do not go far beyond his 
practice. It was, however, quite impossible for a pious 
churchman of the thirteenth century to formulate the doc- 
trines of national independence that were afterwards upheld 
by the fathers of Constance and Basel. 

The greatest result of St. Louis's home government was the 
enlargement and definition of the administrative system 
which first sprang up as the result of the ex- . , 
pansion of the monarchy under Philip 11. This ministrative 
arose from the same necessities as the Anglo- Sy«t«™- 
Norman system, which had been perfected by Henry of Anjou, 
and in many details presents remarkable analogies to the 
polity already established beyond the Channel. The king 
was the centre of the whole system. His advisers were no 
longer the hereditary functionaries of the primitive monarchy. 
The royal household (Thbtd du rot) now consisted of a band 
of clerks and knights, the chaplains, the scribes, the advisers 
and defenders of the king, and of the subordinate servants, 
who discharged purely menial and domestic functions. From 
the powerful body of clerks and knights of the household 
sprang the official class which represented the monarchy 
throughout the kingdom. Though many of the clerks were 
doubtless trained lawyers, the ministers of St. Louis were far 

424 European History^ 918-1273 

from showing that pettifogging and litigious spirit that in- 
spired king and household alike in the days of Philip the 

All France was divided into great provinces, and at the head 
of each was placed a royal official, called a bailli in the north 
Baiiiaees ^"^ ^ senkhal in the south, who roughly corre- 
and S6n6. sponded to, though they governed a greater extent 

auss es. ^^ territory than, the sheriffs of the English crown. 
They nomh.ated the provosts and inferior officers ; they 
administered tt-tice; collected the royal revenue; and were 
charged with the superintendence of the royal relations to the 
neighbouring feudatories as well as with the administration 
of their own districts. Their annual visits to the Exchequer 
connected them with the central government, and a further 
link between the central and local administration was found in 
the regular institution by St. Louis of enquesteurs. 

Enquesteurs. ".,... ,.• .. , 

the missi dominia, or the itmerant justices of the 
Capetian monarchy, who, though casually employed by 
earlier kings, were now made a permanent element in the 
administrative system. 

Under St. Louis a process of differentiation similar to that 
which had evolved the Exchequer, Curia Regis, and other 

courts from the great councils of the Anglo- 

The Differ- ^^ ,. .f . . . . , i ,• , 

entiationof Norman kmgs, divided into three bodies the 
the Royal royal court of the Capetian kings. The Grand 
Conseil became the administrative and political 
assembly; the Parlement grew into the judicial mouthpiece of 
the crown ; and Maitres dcs Comptes received and regulated the 
royal revenue. While the political Council still followed 
the king in the ceaseless wanderings of a mediasval sove- 
reign, the Parliament gradually settled down permanently at 
Paris. With the elaboration of its organisation came an 
extension of its competence. Churchmen and lawyers agreed 
in believing that the king was the sole source of justice. 
Appeals to the king's court became, under St. Louis, the 
substitute for the trial by combat, which he abolished. Not 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 425 

only were the inferior courts of the baillage or prevbte sub- 
ordinate to the king's court. It became usual for appeals to 
be taken to Paris from the highest courts of the greatest 
feudatories of the realm. The doctrine of the cas royal, the 
plea reserved exclusively for the cognisance of the crown, 
materially aided the extension of the Parliament ^jj^ y'sltMa- 
of Paris. Alfonse of Poitiers, as we have seen, ment of 
imitated in his own fief the example of his sove- Exten^k)n*of 
reign and brother. The financial reforms of St. the Royal 
Louis, though important, were not so radical as 
his judicial changes. The Gens des Comptes in session at the 
Temple in Paris prepared the way for the organisation of the 
Chambre des Comptes under Philip the Fair. But almost alone 
of mediaeval sovereigns, St. Louis was well able ' to live of his 
own,' and the ordinary revenue of the crown left Finance and 
a surplus for his religious and charitable founda- *'^* Coinage, 
tions Only the rare great wars, and the two Crusades 
of the king, necessitated recourse to exceptional taxation. 
Yet Louis was able to carry out a thoroughgoing reform of 
the coinage, and carefully upheld the value and purity of 
the circulating medium. In 1263 he issued an ordinance by 
which he gained for the royal mints the monopoly of sup- 
plying the monetary needs of the royal domain. Wherever 
no seignorial money was coined, there the royal money 
was to circulate exclusively. All that was allowed to the 
seignorial currency was that it should be accepted concur- 
rently with the king's money in those fiefs where the lord 
had an established right of mintage. It was, however, to be 
so struck that every one might see that it plainly differed 
from the products of the mints of the crown. This reform in 
itself was a great encouragement to trade. The protection of 
the communes by the king, the sound peace which enabled 
merchants to buy and sell without molestation, The Towns 
and the establishment of new towns, especially in *"<* Trade, 
the south, all furthered the growth of commerce. The ville 
of Carcassonne, whose plan to this day preserves the right lines 


European History, 918-1273 

and measured regularity of an American city, and which, with 
its Gothic churches and its busy industries stands to this day in 
such vivid contrast to the desolate citk on the height, the witness 
of departed military glories, is an example of the numerous class 




IN 1270 
TP^ ■ 


Jkaaularf of Fretici kingdom- 

JlO]/al domain- 

Lands ofAlfonac <ifJPoitieri (imfrfralci wUk iktdm 

Lands qfOharla o/AiiJou l%:r"?l Lands qfJlobert qTArlaia^ 


toads of English Kings (trtmUntfUtiO 4- '»•"■' l^'-'j3 Ibe other great/i^fs. 

of Villeneuves and Vilkfranches founded by St. Louis in his newly 
won domains in the Languedoc. Louis's Christian zeal, no 
Jews and Icss than his hatred of usury, caused him to deal 
Cahorsins. v^rith exccssive rigour with the Jews. He was almost 
as intolerant of the Lombard and Cahorsin usurers, who bad 

France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis Af2J 

now begun to rival with the Israelites in finance. One of the 
least pleasing sides of the saint's character was his cruel 
severity to blasphemers, heretics, and unbelievers. The same 
zeal led St. Louis twice to abandon France while he went on 
crusade. \See chapter xix.] But neither his long sojourn in 
Egypt and Syria nor his death at Tunis destroyed the effect 
of his work for his kingdom. Queen Blanche resumed her 
vigorous rule of France as regent during Louis's absence 
from 1248 to her death in 1253, the year before his return. 
The chief trouble Blanche had was with the strange popular 
gathering of the Fastoureaux, which, assembled The 
under the pretext that shepherds and workmen Pastoureaux. 
were to supply the remissness of lords and knights and 
rescue St. Louis from the Egyptians, soon became a wild 
carnival of brigandage, which the regent had considerable 
difficulty in suppressing (1251). In 1270 Philip the Bold, 
the saint's dull, but pious, docile, hard-fighting, and well- 
meaning son, succeeded as easily in the camp at Tunis as 
he could have done in Paris itself. The work of St. Louis 
was quietly and unostentatiously continued during the first 
years of Philip iii.'s reign. In his later years the baleful 
influence of Charles of Anjou turned the heir of St. Louis 
to a more active and greedy policy that prepared the way for 
the extraordinary success of Philip the Fair, whose triumphant 
reign marks the end of the process that had begun with the 
early Capetians. 



The Regnum, the Sacerdotium, and the Studium — The Beginnings of tne 
Universities — Their Organisation and their Spirit — Their Relations to the 
Church — The Introduction of Aristotle — Intellectual and Popular Heresy 
— St. Francis and the Minorites — St. Dominic and the Order of Preachers 
— Other Mendicant Orders — The Work of the Mendicants — Preaching 
and Pastoral Care— The Religious Revival — The Mendicants and the 
Universities — The Triumph of the Mendicants — The Great Scholastics 
of the Thirteenth Century and the Results of their Influence. 

From the unorganised schools of the twelfth century pro- 
ceeded the corporate universities of the thirteenth century. 
The same age that witnessed the culmination of 

Regnum, , • -i r t , > i t» i 

Sacerdotium, the idea of the regnum under Barbarossa and 
*"<* Henry vi. and the triumph of the ' sacerdotium ' 


under Innocent in., saw the establishment of the 
' studium ' as a new bond of unity and authority, worthy to 
be set up side by side with the Empire and the Papacy 
themselves. rYht strong in stinct for associatio n that about 
the same period led to the organisation of the Lombard 

* Denifle's UniversitdUn des Mittelalicn (vol. i.), and Rashdall's Uni- 
versities of Europe in the Middle Ages supply full information as to the 
organisation and studies of the universities. Haur^au's De la philosophie 
scholastique (2 vols.) summarises clearly the activity and teaching of the 
schoolmen. For the Franciscans, Hase's Franz von Assisi and Sabalier's 
brilliant Saint Francois d" Assise, and Miiller's Anfdnge des Minoriten- 
ordens und dtr Busshruderschaften. Brewer's Monuvienta Fraticiscana 
and Little's Grey Friars at Oxford illustrate their activity in England. 
For the Dominicans, Lacordaire's Vie de Saint Dominique^ Care's Saint 
Dominique et les Dominicains, and Lecoy de la Marche's La Chain 
frattfaise au moyen Age. For the heretics and their repression, besides 
Lea's History of the Inquisition,]. lla\tl'a L'h^r^sie et U bras shulier 
au moyen Age. The extracts from original authorities in Gieseler, and 
Moller's careful summary, remain very useful. 

The Universities and the Friars 429 

League and the French Communes, that united England under 
the Angevins and South Italy under Frederick 11., that set 
up merchant guilds in every urban centre and gave fresh 
life to both the old and the new ecclesiastical societies, 
br ought'about th e^rgamsalidn" of the masters and scholars 
into the universities which still remain as the most abiding 
product of the genius of the Middle Ages. Just as the 
mstTtution of knighthood had set up a new cosmopolitan 
principle of union that bound together men of different 
lands, wealth, and social station, in a common brotherhood of 
arms, so did the establishment of the corporations of doctors 
and scholars unite the subtlest brains of diverse countries and 
ranks in a common professional and social life. 

ihe earliest universities were, like Paris, associations oj^ 
teachers^ or, like Bologna, clubs of foreign students. They 
had^io founders, and based their rights on no The earliest 
charters "of king or pope, but grew up gradually universities. 
araT natural outcome of the wide spread of intellectual pur- 
suits that had followed upon the twelfth-century Renascence. 
T he accident of the abiding presence of a series of great 
teachers had made raris the centre of geological and philo- 
sophical study north of the Alps,"and had given tEFschools of 
Bologna a prestige that attracted to them students paris and 
of the civil and canon laws from every country in Bologna. 
Europe. It was inevitable that sooner or later the accidental 
and spasmodic character of the earlier schools should give 
way to systematic organisation. T he numerous teachers of 
arts and theology at Paris gradually became a definite college 
or guild~of "doctors and masters, with power t o admiTln d 
to exclude new membersoT" their profession, and with "an 
increasingly strong corporate spirit and~lradition. Before 
the death of Louis vii. a university, that is to say a corpora- 
tion, of masters, had replaced the individual schools of the age 
of Abelard. Before the century was out Philip Augustus had 
given the infant university its earliest privileges of exemption 
from the ordinary municipal organisation. Before the middle 

4 30 European History, 918-1273 

of the thirteenth century, the Faculties had been organised, 
the Four Nations and the Rectorate set up, the authority 
of the Episcopal Chancellor reduced to a minimum, and the 
universal acceptation of the teaching rights of the masters 
secured. Kings and popes vied with each other in shower- 
ing privileges on a society that controlled with such absolute 
authority educated public opinion. Moreover, the simple 
expedient of suspension of lectures or of secession wrung by 
force the privileges not to be obtained by favour, while a more 
permanent result of these academic secessions was the creation 
of other universities, whose rivalry wholesomely stimulated 
the energies of the teachers of the ancient centre. Bologna 
did for Italy almost all that Paris did for the North, though 
the difference of the circumstances of a free municipality 
and those of a great capital of a national state affected both 
the organisation of the institution and the character of the 
studies. Not the teaching masters but the well-to-do and 
mature students themselves formed the corporations that 
were the earliest form of the university of Bologna. The 
Themuiti- suprcmc importance of legal studies was the 
plication of outcome of the social, political, and intellectual 
universities, condition of Italy. The constant secessions that 
set up flourishing schools at Padua and Pisa, and covered 
Italy with smaller universities, were helped by the centrifugal 
tendency that had already become a marked feature of Italian 
politics. Yet no mediaeval university was in any sense a 
piu-ely national institution. It was the home of the Latinised, 
cosmopolitan, clerkly culture that made the wandering scholar 
as much at home in a distant city of a foreign land as in the 
schools of his native town. The Studium, like the Regnum 
and the Sacerdotium, belonged to the old cosmopolitan Roman 
order that knew nothing of the modern ideas of national life 
and local states. Yet no local state that aspired to civilised 
life could dispense with a ' studium generale ' or university. 
The great position of Angevin England made the English 
school at Oxford the chief northern rival of Paris, from which 

The Universities and the Friars 43 1 

perhaps it was the most important secession. Thirtppnth. 
century Spain celebrated its deliverance from the Moor and 
its entrance into the Christian commonwealth by the setting 
up of new learned corporations. It was a sign of the dethrone- 
ment of Germany from her ancient predominance that she had 
no university till long after our period was over. So great were 
the benefits of an organised general school that Icings and 
p^)es began to institute, deliberately, imitations of what had 
earlier grown up spontaneously. Gregory ix. established 
the first university of papal foundation at Toulouse, and 
Frederick 11. the first university of royal foundation at Naples. 
Alfonso VIII. of Castile not only conquered at Las Navas 
de Tolosa, but strove, though to little purpose, to found the 
first Spanish university at Palencia. 

From the remotest parts of Europe eager students of every 
ranlTand condition, from highest to lowest, from wealthiest to 
poorest, flocked to the universities of repute. If ^he spirit 
many were chiefly eager for a career and profes- oftheuni- 
sional advancement, there were not wanting a few ^^"' **^* 
touched with a higher spirit. The free life, the democratic 
equality of the teachers, the unrestrained licence of the taught, 
if leading to constant disorders, brought about a spirit of 
independence within the academic band such as Europe had 
not witnessed since the fall of the Roman Empire. This was 
the more important since the universities of the thirteenth 
century were no mere abodes of recluse scholars, but exercised 
a profound influence on every side of human activity. They 
affected politics and statecraft nearly as much as they affected 
thought and religion. It is with their influence on the State 
and the Church that we are mainly concerned now. 

It was an all-important^uestion what,would-be the relations 
of the Bfudmm to the Sacerdotium. The uni- , . 

, , , J , . , Relation of 

versities were m the long-run bound to be either the univer- 
the friends or the foes of the existing order, sitiestothe 

• 1 , Church. 

which was so intimately bound up with the ascen- 
dency of the Church. At first there seemed to be little danger 

432 European History, 918-1273 

of rivalry. The reconciliation of orthodoxy and free specu- 
lation, which had put the limited but safe activity of a Peter 
Lombard in the place of the antagonistic ideas of a Bernard 
or an Abelard, still continued during the period that saw the 
crystallisation of the European schools into systematic cor- 
porations. If the Civilians upheld a Barbarossa, the Canonists 
were equally strenuous in upholding the universal bishopric 
of the Roman pontiff. (^ North of the Alps every scholar was 
a clerk with the privileges of clergy, and the Church alone 
provided both the materialsjDf thought and the worldly careers 
that were open to scholars. / If the Italian scholars were com- 
monly laymen, the spirit of the Italian schools was too averse 
to abstract speculation to be likely to lead to formal heresy, 
and law was still, even in Italy, the study through which 
churchmen rose to greatness. Yet it was by no means clear, 
at the beginning of the century, that the intellectual ferment 
which the universities had perpetuated would permit the 
reconciliation of philosophy with theology, and of law with 
the ecclesiastical order. Th^ tradit ion of Gre^ k_thought 
The intro- ^^^ ^^^" revive d before the twelfth c entury was 
duction of over, and the full knowledge of tli£ethical, physical 
Aristotle. ^^^ metaphysical teachings. oLAristotle did not 
come in a more Christian shape when it was faltered through 
theimperfect translations and free paraphrases through which 
Arab and Arabs and Jews had kept alive a_perverted yet 
Jewish stimulating version of the doctrinea^pf the great 
influence. ^^^^^ philosopher. The glories of the Arab and 
the Jewish schools of Spain had already culminated in 
Averroes (//. 1198), and Moses Maimonides {d. 1204), when 
they were made public to the Latin world by scholars like the 
translators employed by Archbishop Raymond of Toledo, and 
Frederick 11. 's protege, Michael Scot The increased inter- 
course between East and West, which r^ulted jlLlh§_Latin 
conquest of Constantinople, led before long to a better 
acquaintance with Aristotelian texts and to I^tin -versions 
based upon the Greek itself. 

7he Universtties and the Friars 433 

The Moorish and Jewish doctors of Spain, had endured 
persecution fVom the orthodox Mohammedans for the bold- 
ness and freedom of their speculations. The intellectual 
imaterialistic pantheism of Averroes was as famous a"«^ popular 
as his commentaries on Aristotle, and the intro- 
duction of the latter was soon followed by the spread of 
the former. The doctrines of the Averroists stimulated 
anew the popular heresies of the Cathari, who were now 
fighting desperately against orthodoxy in Languedoc, and 
who still filled Lombardy with enemies of the Church. 
The union of the popular with the scientific heretics might 
^ell have led to a violent revolution, especially since the 
■changes involved in the rapid progress of the age threatened 
social and economic disturbances that imperilled the whole 
order of society.! The ever-increasing wealth and political 
power of the Church were blighting the best interests of 
j:eligion. The new orders of the twelfth century had lost 
their early fervour, and proved almost as susceptible of cor- 
ruption as their older brethreii^ The daiigers of an earlier 
age were renewed, and the schools that had long been 
'secular' in the mediaevar sense bade fair to become secular 
in a more modern signification of the term. A famous Paris 
master, Simon of Tournai, boasted to those who had applauded 
his vindication of the orthodox faith that he could demolish 
it with equal ease and plausibility. In the early years of 
the thirteenth century Amalric of Bena taught undisguised 
pantheism at Paris, and had a following of enthusiastic and 
outspoken heretics, whose views were as wild and revolu- 
tionary as those of any of the Albigenses. The false teaching 
of Amalric was attributed to the influence of Aristotle and 
Averroes, and in 12 15 the papal legate Courgon drew up a 
body of statutes for the Paris masters which prohibited" the 
study of the physics and metaphysics of Aristotle — a pro- 
hibition renewed later by Gregory ix^—* until they, have 
been examined anji purged from^all h eresy.* In Italy, if 
there were less speculative theology than in Paris, there was 


4^4 European History, 918-1273 

more popular heresy, and more political opposition to the 
church that was also a state. The dangerous mysticism 
of the abbot Joachim might well become a new source of 
danger to the hierarchy. Despite all that Innocent iii. had 
done his successors still saw themselves face to face with 
imminent danger. But the source from which salvation was 
to arise had already been revealed. From the obscure 
labours of Francis and Dominic was soon to come not only 
the reconciliation of the new philosophy with the old ortho- 
doxy, but a revival of spiritual religion, from which asceticism 
became mighty to do good works, and in which the Church 
of the Middle Ages attained its loftiest and purest ideals. 

In 1 182 was born at Assisi John Bernardone, more often 
known by the nickname Francis, that is the Frenchman, which 
was given him by his father, a wandering cloth merchant, 
_, _ who had travelled much in France and loved its 

St. Francis 

of Assisi, people. The father was well-to do, and ambitious 
1182-1226. jj^g^j jjjg giftgjj and attractive son should play a 
great part in the world. But an overmastering religious 
enthusiasm soon drew Francis /rora the revels and sports of 
the wealthy youth of Perugia. (He renounced friends, fortune, 
kinsfolk, and declared that he had wedded the Lady Poverty, 
the fairest, richest, and purest of brides. His glowing imagina- 
tion and earnest spiritual longings saw all things through the 
medium of a divine and ecstatic love. His single-minded 
devotion to the poor and afflicted, his loving care for the 
despised and neglected lepers, his holiness, pureness, and 
goodness soon attracted round him a little band of followers. 
One day he took them into a church, opened the gospels on 
the altar and read them the words in which Christ bade His 
„ . . disciples sell all that they have and give to the 

of the ordo poor, and take no care of staff nor scrip, nor gold 
Minorum. ^^ silver, nor bread nor clothes, but leave all and 
follow Him. In these words, he told his followers, lay all 
their life and rule. His one endeavour now became the literal 
imitation of Chrisi!i_life x>n earth. The doings of Francis 

The Universities and the Friars 435 

and his penitents excited lively opposition as well as un« 
bounded admiration. But in 12 10 Francis and eleven com- 
panions travelled on foot to Rome, where Innocent iii., 
stranger though he was to their spirit, received them kindly 
and permitted them to continue to uphold their simple rule 
of absolute poverty and devotion to good works. The 
brotherhood grew in numbers, and soon spread beyond the 
limits of AssisT'ahd central Italy. Francis himself went_on 
missions to ihe heathenj and pleaded for Christianity before 
the Sultan of Egypt. Francis called himself and followers 
the Poor Men of Assisi, or the Order of Lesser Brethren 
(Ordo Minorum) ; but the rope-girt grey frock that they wore 
caused the people to call them the Grey Friars, while the 
prestige of the founder frequently gave them the name of 
Franci scan s. For years the fraternity in no wise departed 
from its primitive" simplicity. The simple mysticism of 
Francis, his frank joyousness and cheerfulness, despite his 
constant perils and rigid asceticism, his strange and forcible 
preaching, and his utter indifference to all worldly power and 
influence, won an absolute mastery over men's hearts. He 
was not a man of learning: he was a simple deacon, who 
never aspired to the priesthood • he was no organiser, and 
had an absolute horror of the political forces that keptthe 
Church so absorbed in worldly cares. The grow- The Rule of 
ing support of great churchmen, the powerful *"3- 
favour of the zealous Cardinal Ugolino, the future Gregory ix., 
the establishment of a fixed rule for the order by Honorius iii. 
in 1223, were evidence of the spread of the founder's ideas. 
Yet they gave Francis as much anxiety as satisfaction. They 
involved the danger lest the simple gospel of love should be 
overshadowed by formalism and officialism, lest 
the doctrine of absolute poverty should be inter- Antagonistic 

^ ' tendencies 

preted so as to become a snare to the brethren within the 
25 it had been to the older orders of monks. f''^^"«='scan 


The gentle saint retired to his favourite chapels 

and shrines near Assisi, leaving to the energetic and strenuous 

436 European History, giZ-i27Z 

Elias of Cortoua the uncongenial but necessary task of 
organising the new society. Francis died in 1226, full of 
trouble as to thejuture, and solemnly warnirlg-the -brethren 
to add nd~glosses or amplifications to the absolute simplicity 
of the rule which he had prescribed for them. Two years 
later Gregory ix. made him a saint, and laid the foundation 
of the great church at Assisi, where the art of Giotto was 
later to commemorate his glories. But the absorption of 
the Franciscan spirit to the service of the hierarchy had 
robbed it of much that was most beautiful and character- 
istic. Later divisions within the order long bore witness 
that the literal doctrines of the Testament of St. Francis were 
still cherished by his more faithful followers. But a great 
world-wide order could not be controlled by a few pious 
aspirations and general exhortations to poverty. The work 
of Gregory and of Elias was as necessary as the life and 
character of the founder himself, if the Franciscan order were 
to maintain the place which it had begun to fill in the life of 
the thirteenth century. 

Even before Francis had begun to preach poverty and good 
works to the scattered towns and villages of central Italy, 
St. Dominic, D gminic de Guzman had begun his parallel but 
1170-1M1. yet strangely different career. The son of a mighty 
Castilian house, a man of learning, zeal, and fiery-ortliodoxy, 
Dominic had^ecome a jegular jcanon of the cathedral chapter 
of Osma, near jdiidhtown he was A^om in 1170. The Pre- 
monstratensian ideal of living like a monk and working like a 
clerk was never more fully realised than by this young 
Spanish canon. Called almost by accident to Languedoc, he 
resolved to devote his life to the winning over of the Albi- 
gensian herefics to orthodoxy. Pro reeled by the bTshbp of 
Toulouse, he settled down in a house in that city, where he 
soon gathered around himself a band of like-minded followers. 
He remained there during all the storms of the Albigensian 
wars, and his little society flourished so much that he sought 
to obtain for himself and his sixteen companions recognition 

The Universities and the Friars 437 

from the Pope as a new religious order specially devoted to 
the conversion of heretics. / But the^ecision of the LateraiT 
Council of 1 2 15 against the establishment of new orders 
stood in their way, and Innocent iii., though sympathetic, 
was contented to recommend them to affiliate themselves 
to one of the recognised regular fraternities. ^^ „ 

^ -- . ° ° , The Preach- 

Ot these, Dommic's own 'rule of St. Austm' best ing Brothers 
expressed his ideals, and in 12 16 Honorius iii. of Toulouse, 
confirmed the adoption by the ' Preaching Brothers 
of St. Romanus of Toulouse ' of a modification of the Pre- 
monstratensian rule. The first four years of the young brother- 
hood were full of success. Affiliated communities sprang up 
in Spain, in Italy, and in northern France, where the famous 
convent of the Jacobins was set up at Paris on the south of the 
Seine, hard by the Orleans gate. In Rome Dominic found a 
warm welcome and an establishment within the papal palace, 
along with the pastoral care of the numerous courtiers and 
domestics of the pontiff. Cardinal Ugolino was as zealous for 
Dominic as for the Poor Man of Assisi, and was perhaps the 
means through which the Spanish canon made the personal 
acquaintance of St. Francis. The result of this intercourse 
was that Dominic was strongly impressed with the holiness 
and beauty of the Franciscan cult of poverty, and resolved 
that his order also should tread in the footsteps of Christ and 
the' Apostles after the method set forth by the ^^^ order 
Franciscans. In 1220 the Order ot li'reachers, of Preachers 
^slt was now called, took its final form by adopt- Mendicant 
ing the doctrine of absolute corporate poverty as Order, 
well as the life of mendicancy which had become ^""^ 
usual with the Franciscans. Dominic then went to Bologna, 
to seek from the doctors there new support against the 
heretics. In 122 1 he died, and was buried at the house of 
his order in that city. In 1234 Gregery raised him to the 
list of saints. Long before this his followers were spread all 
over Europe, rivalling in zeal and energy the Franciscans 
themselves. The Preachin g Friars we re called Dominicans 

438 European History, 918-1273 

from their founder, while their plain but effective garb of a 
short black cape, over a long white frock, led to their popular 
name of the Black Friars. 

The ideals of Francis and Dominic were widely different, 
but the methods they adopted to secure them were almost 
The Mendi- identical. Th e man o f inspiration and love had 
cant Ideal, ^qjj Qvcr the man of authority and order to his 
ideal of absolute poverty; and Franciscans and Dominicans 
alike agreed so to interpret the monastic vow of poverty that 
corporate as well as individual possessions were utterly 
renounced. The early Franciscans had neither houses nor 
churches. The Dominicans, faithful to their Augustinian tradi- 
tions, did not push the principles of St. Francis so far as this, 
but contented themselves with ordaining that the houses of 
the order should be simple, modest, and of lowly dimensions, 
and that all ornaments should be reserved for their churches. 
Gradually, as the spirit of Elias prevailed over the spirit of 
Francis, the Minorites also had houses and churches of their 
own, and with the establishment of a systematic conventual 
life, the isolated brother, working with his hands for his bread, 
or depending, in his pious wanderings, on passing charity, 
was replaced by an ordered band of Mendicant Friars, members 
of a world-wide order, controlled by an almost military dis- 
cipline that found its expression in the autocracy of the 
General of the order, and in the annual assembling of a 
General Chapter, such as the Lateran Council had imposed on 
all conditions of religious. 1 Thus the Mendicants pushed 
to further results the great principles of monastic reformation 
which had already been worked out in the twelfth century. 
'J'he world wide organisation and simplicity of life came from 
the Cistercians, and the vindication of the freedom of the 
individual as against the excesses of the coenobitic ideal 
had belonged to the Carthusians. The combination of the 
•religious' life and the work of the ministry characterised 
the Regular Canons. But the doctrme of absolute Poverty 
was all their own, and calculated to save them from the 

TJie Universities and the Friars 439 

dangers before which the new orders had succumbed. The 
mysticism and love of the poor which had characterised 
Francis left an enduring impression on his followers. No 
less strong was the spirit of reasoned orthodoxy and the zeal 
for popular preaching against heresy which adhered to the 
Order of Preachers long after its founder had passed away. 
Francis aimed at the heart, while Dominic appealed to the 
intellect, but the work of both communities was social and 
evangelistic, and even when they most differed in spirit they 
constantly overlapped each other in their labours. Their 
convents were soon established in every part of Christendom, 
and exercised the -ptofoundest influence on every section pf 
the community. 

So striking was the attraction of the Mendicant ideal that 
many other attempts were made, besides those of Francis 
and Dominic, to embody its principles. Even in the lifetime 
of the Poor Man of Assisi, his influence had gone beyond 
his own immediate band of followers. So far back as 1 2 1 2 
the spirit of Francis had driven Clara Scifi, a ^^^^^ 
knight's daughter in Assisi, to settle down by Mendicant 
the little chapel of St. Damian with a band of °'''^^'"s- 
followers, pledged to a poverty as absolute and a self-renun- 
ciation as complete as that of the Minorites themselves. If 
Cardinal Ugolino for a time imposed on these g^^ ^^^^^ 
* poor ladies ' a rigid form of the rule of Benedictine and the 
nuns, the earnest wish of Francis himself procured ^'^''^^ses. 
from Honorius iii., in 1224, the approval of a plan of life by 
which the community was to adopt the principle of absolute 
poverty (save in respect to cloister and garden), depend for 
support upon freewill offerings, and promise special obedience 
to the Pope, brother Francis, and their successors. The 
' Claresses.' _or ' Poor-Clarps LsflQILbecame numerous and did 
for the religio us life of women what St. Francis did for re- 
gular comt auhities of men. A more sweeping innovation was 
the establishment by St. Francis himself of lay brotherhoods 
of penitents, aflSliated to the Mendicant orders, and living 

440 European History^ 918-1273 

ordered and religious lives, yet untrammelled by vows and, 
The unlike the conversi of earlier reforms, continuing in 

Tertiarie*. the exercise of their worldly professions. In 1230 
Gregory ix. formally founded these communities as * brethren 
of the third order of St. Francis.' Similar societies of * Terti- 
aries ' were also affiliated to the Dominicans. By their means 
the Mendicant ideal was still further spread, and the great 
framework of affiliated societies established which so closely 
connected the new orders with the religious life of the time, 
and broke down the ancient breach between ' religion ' and 
The the ' world.' Moreover^, after the triumph of the 

Carmelites. Franciscans and Dominicans, other Mendicant 
Orders were set up, and some older brotherhoods brought into 
the Mendicant fold. Among the latter were the communities 
of hermits on Mount Carmel, which in 1 2 1 9 were constituted 
by the Patriarch of Jerusalem as the Hermit Friars of Mount 
Carmel, and received from Innocent iv. the stamp of a Mendi- 
cant order. The white garb of the Carmelites gave them 
the popular name of the White Friars. In 1250 Alexander iv. 
The Austin Created the Austin Friars out of several societies 
Friars. q{ Italian hermits, to whom he prescribed a 

common rule and the Mendicant ideal. Carmelites and 
Austin Friars took up a strong position all over Europe, 
almost vying with Minorites and Preachers, and constituting 
with them the Four Orders of Friars. Other mendicant 
societies, such as that of the Friars of the Sack, were also 
set up, but in 1274 the second Council of Lyons abolished 
The al^ but the four recognised orders and forbade 

servites. the formation of new ones. Nevertheless, the 
Servite Friars, an offshoot of the rule of St. Augustine, received 
^eparate establishment before the end of the century. 
/ The Mendicants of the thirteenth^j:entury worked out to 
The Work *^^ fuUest rcsult theideal of St. Augustine of com 
of the bining the life of a monk with the work of a clerk, 

Mendicants. ^^^ ^j^^g g^^^^j j^^ ^^^ Strongest coritrast to the 

older contemplajivfi^orders, who sought seclusion from the 

The Universities and the Friars 441 

world and eschewe d even the care of souls as a worldly 
occnpationr If, despite this self-imposed limitation, the earlier 
orders had been enabled to play so large a part in the religious 
life of the times of their foundation and early fervour, it is easy 
to see how much more complete and permanent was the in- 
^uence of bodies of self-devoted men pledged to redeem their 
own souls by working out the salvation of others. Through 
their labours the ascetic and hierarchic ideals of the Church 
penetrated, as they had never penetrated before, into every 
rank and every region of the Christian commonwealth. 
Popular preaching assumed a new importance now that 
specialists trained to devote their lives to pulpit 
oratory supplemented the rude and occasional 
efforts of the ill-educated parish priests, and the still more 
occasional appearances of the dignified clergy as teachers of 
the people. Preaching was naturally the first care of the 
followers of Dominic, whose oflScial name"was~tHe~Order of 
jPreac hers, and among whose doctors one at least maintained 
that preaching was more important for the people than the 
Mass itself. But, even from the beginning, the Minorites 
were almost as much devoted to this work as _ ^ , 


the Black Friars themselves. While Dominican between 
preaching tended to be grave, learned, and g^d"^"*^^" 
argumentative, the Grey Friars rather affected Dominican 
the simple, straightforward, emotional methods ^''^achmg. 
of address, through which St. Francis himself had gone 
straight to the hearts of his hearers. These qualities were 
strongly illustrated by the career of St. Anthony of Padua 
(d. 123 1 ), a native of Lisbon and an Austin canon, who, 
like St, Dominic, preached with great effect in Languedoc, 
and, attaching himself to St. Francis and Poverty, became the 
most popular of the early Minorite orators, and died in 
1 23 1 at Padua, in the enjoyment of a^nique reputation for 
his eloquence and miraculous powers/ The best side of the 
Mendicant gospel was impressed on Germany and the East 
by the wonderful preaching of another Minorite, Berthold of 

442 European History, g\Z-i27 1 

Ratisbo n {d. 1272), whose still surviving German sermons 
are striking illustrations of the depth and force of the new 
teaching. Nor did the Order of Preachers neglect the more 
popular side of its special work. Its^ greatest intellect, St 
Thomas of Aquino, was not only the famous doctor o f the 
schools but a practical preacher to the people in the Italian 
RcHgious vernacular. Not less effective and rndre per" 
Poetry. mancnt than their sermons was the religious poetry, 
inspired by the Mendicants, and especially by the Franciscans, 
both in the vulgar tongues and in Latin. St. Francis' own 
famous Song of the Sun struck a chord that was re-echoed in 
the hearts of his followers. To his biographer, Thomas of 
Celano, is commonly ascribed the most majestic of mediaeval 
Latin hymns, the Dies Ires. The pathetic Stabat Mater 
Dolorosa is, witli less certainty, attributed to Jacopone da 
Todi, a Grey Friar of the latter part of the century, whose 
vernacular poems express not only the mystic piety of St 
Francis but the fierce glow of indignation of the Fraticelli 
against the worldliness of the hierarchy. 

The pastoral work of the Mendicants among the people 
was the chief means by which they established that profound 
Pastoral hold over the mind of Europe that, despite many 
<:««. corruptions, they retained until the Reformation. 

The parish clergy were ignorant and lax, and tended in too 
many cases to limit themselves to the perfunctory discharge 
of the routine duties of their office. A new state of things 
began when the zeal of Gregory ix. assured for both Fran- 
ciscans and Dominicans the right to preach and hear confes- 
sions over all Christendom. Despite the natural but violent 
opposition which both the seculars and the older orders 
offered to their pushing rivals, the Friars soon won by their 
devotion, their skill, and their sympathy a unique place 
among the religious teachers of Europe. They chose as their 
favourite abodes the noisome suburbs where the poorest were 
huddled together outside the bounds of municipal authority 
or care. They livfid among the sick, the suffering, and the 

The Universities and the Friars 443 

lep ers. Poorer than the poorest, they inspired no envy, but 
shared the lot of those among whom they lived and worked. 
They set no rigid limits to their activity. Their care for the 
sic k led ih^nLlO-lhe ^tudy of medicine, while their sympathy 
with the oppressed made them the natural spokesmen of the 
cause of popular rights. A nameless Franciscan formulated 
the English baronial policy in the Song of Lewes.'! Yet kings 
like St. Louis or Edward i. chose Friars as their confessors, 
and their power was as great among the highest as the lowestr 
Great churches grew up in every city of Europe for each of 
the four orders of Friars, and were thronged by earnest and 
zealous congregations. It became a cherished privilege to 
be allowed burial within their precincts. The extraordinary 
popularity of the Mendicants soon brought dangers in its 
train. Their churches became more splendid and adorned 
with the fairest works of art. Wealth, flowed ^^. » » 

1 ne extent 

towards them, and this, though at first they held of Mendicant 
it m trust for the poor, they soon began to '"^"^n"- 
regard as virtually their own, with the result that, particu- 
larly among the Franciscans, there was a continued feud as 
to whether the rule of absolute poverty was to be rigidly 
or laxly interpreted^ Long before the danger of wealth had 
begun, the more subtle temptations of power had exercised 
their sway. In direct contradiction to the teachings of St. 
^Francig, Mendicants a ccepted high places in the Church, 
andvjjecame bishops, archbishops, cardinals, and popes. 
Flushed with the pride of their devotion, they laid, their 
hands on all that they co uld reach. They called the Bene- 
dictines proud epicureans, the Canons little better than 
laymen, and the Cistercians rude rustics. * None of the 
faithful,' lamented the Benedictine Matthew Paris, *now 
believe that they can be saved unless they are under the 
direction of the Preachers or the Minorites.' (^ Innocent iv. 
sought to withstand their growing influence by refusing to 
allow them to exercise the cure of souls in parishes without 
the permission of the parish priest, and directed that they 

444 European History, 918-1273 

should hand over to the same authority a share of the gifts 
madtf"^o-tbem by the iaithful who had boughT ^eTight of 
burial in the friars' churches. But on Innocent's death — 
hastened, as it was believed, by the prayers of the Mendi- 
cants — Al exander iv. reversed h is legislation and left the new 
orders triumphant. With all their feverish grasping after 
"power, they used it with more sense of responsibility than 
most of their rivals. A rea l revival of reli gion followed every- 
where jipon their work, anS^as manifested not only in formal 
acts, in heaping wealth upon ecclesiastics, and in an extension 
of the power of the Church, but in works of piety and justicej, 
generosity and"nB rerey,"ttrgt~ were all too few in -the-r«4« 

The Mendicant Orders were everywhere the champions of 
papal authority, rigid hierarchical pretensions, and uncom- 
promising orthodoxy. B oth Francisca ns and 
cants and DominJcanj^wgre jjitr usted with the administra- 
the inquiai- tion of thePagannquisltiqn_which Gregory ixThad 
established, and did not scrupl e^o hand "ov er to 
the secular arm the relapsed or unrepentant heretic. But~tEey 
were not merely persecutors. They were unwearied in their 
missions to the heretic as well as in those to the heathen and 
the infidel, and it was now an easier task to deal with popular 
heresy, since it yielded even more readily to the preaching of 
the Friars than to the terrors of the Inquisition. The intel- 
lectual heresies of the schools, and the vaguer unrestfulness 
that saw no permahenTsaffsTaction in the traditional teachings, 
were harder to deal with. Yet even against these the Mendi- 
cants waged a long contest, which did not end until they had 
wrested scholastic philosophy and the new Aristotle to serve 
as chief buttresses to the authority of the Church, 

The special mission of the Order of Preachers made it 

from the first a great centre of theological study. 

and the St. Dominic settled down in Bologna because 

universitiM. ^f j^g schools, and his death an'd^^iiffSl there 

gave the place an enduring sanctity to his fafthtui tolluyers. 

The Universities and the Friars 445 

In T22I, the year of the founder's death, the Dominican 
Convent of St. James was established at Paris, and very soon 
made itself a separate and exclusive school of rigidly orthodox 
theology, without any great care being taken to co-ordinate 
its teaching and system with those of the public regents of 
the university. Doctors__of great reputation attached them- 
selves to the order, and before long a regular succession of 
friar-doctors, trained within the convent, set up a definite type 
of Mendicant theological teaching. The Franciscans were 
not slow in following the example of theTreachers. Though 
Francis himself had* no learning and few speculative interests, 
his teaching had never been more effective than among the 
proud doctors of Bologna, and the spirit of Elias and Ugolino, 
no less than the necessities of the time and the desire to 
rival the Preachers, turned even the earlier followers of the 
saint to theological study. With the establishment of St. 
Anthony, Francis' close friend, at Padua, where a great 
university was just being formed by a secession from Bologna, 
the Minorites enter eagerly on the course marked out by St. 
Dominic. If Francis inspired Dominic with the worship of 
poverty, Dominic supplied the followers of Francis with his 
zeal for theology. Within a year of the foundation of the 
Jacobin convent, four years before St. Francis' death, the 
English theologian, Alexander of Hales, who was then teach- 
ing with great applause at Paris, entered the Minorite fold, 
and was celebrated as the 'first Paris doctor of the Franciscan 
religion.' Before long he resumed his teaching, and_ hence- 
forth the Parisian convent of the Franciscans was only second 
to tHe Dominican cloister in its intellectual 
activity. "^ Within thirty years the Mendicant Je'twel^^^'^ 
schools of theology had taken up so overwhelm- Mendicants 
ing a position in Paris, and So ostentatiously kept »" Pari^"**'^ 
aloof from all the ordinary regulations and tradi- 
tions of the university, that a vigorous attack was made upon 
them by the secular masters. In 1252 the university required 
the Friars to take an oath of obedience to its statutes, 

44^ European History, 918-1273 

and, on their refusal, expelled them from its fellowship. A 
fierce and long struggle followed, in which the chief secular 
champion, William of Saint-Amour, wrote a book called The 
Perils of the Last Times, which violently attacked the Mendi- 
cants and their ideals. The seculars availed themselves of 
the notorious splits within their enemies' ranks, and regarding 
the orders as a whole as responsible for the extremer members 
of one society, signalled out for attack as heretical an * Intro- 
duction to the Eternal Gospel,' in which an Italian Franciscan 
gave currency to the apocalyptic ideas of the abbot Joachim. 
The disfavour of Innocent iv. to the Frtars increased their 
difficulties, though they had strong supporters in St. Louis 
and his brothers. At last Alexander iv. cleared the way for 
their return, and condemned William's book as scandalous 
though not heretical. Restored to their chairs in 1255, the 
Mendicant doctors were contented to abate some of their 
extreme pretensions. Finally^ they-decided to accept the oath 
to the statutes and recognise their responsibilitie&-as4aembers 
of the corporation of mastere.^ I'tieir doctors were now in so 
commanding a position that they had no longer reason to 
desire such exceptional privileges as in the days 
Mendicants' of their weakness. South of the Alps th_fi^endi- 
vjctory. ^j^j theologians acquired what there was no 

chance of their ever getting in the northern universities, a 
practical monopoly of the teachrnfoTtHeology. Everywhere 
the tone of the theological schools was attuned to their 
teaching. Philosophy was made orthodox, and the most 
brilliant and fruitful period of scholasticism followed when 
the ranks of the Friars produced th? greatest of the mediaeva' 
philosophers and theologians. 

Alexander of Hales {d. 1 245), the first Franciscan doctor 
at Paris, began in his Summa Theologia, which weighed, said 
an enemy, as much as a horse, the series of the 
Mendicant Systematic Mendicant scholastics, and was cele- 
Schoiastics. brated as the monarch of theologians and the 
irrefragable doctor. The first of the great Dominicans was 

The Universities and the Friars 447 

Albertus Magnus {d. 1280), a German, who as doctor at 
Paris, chief of the Dominican school at Cologne, Aibertus 
Provincial of his order in Germany, and bishop Magnus. 
of Ratisbon, exercised a profound influence and became 
known as the universal doctor. Albert's pupil, Thomas of 
Aquino (12 25-1 2 74), represents the culminating Thomas 
point of scholastic theology. A son of an illustrious Aquinas. 
Neapolitan house, Thomas renounced the brilliant worldly 
career promised by his influence and abilities, and entered 
a Dominican convent. He studied under Albert at Paris, 
where he acquired a unique reputation. Called back to 
Italy by Urban iv,, he gave a momentary lustre to the 
struggling university at Naples, which Charles of Anjou had 
restored. He died in 1274, on his way to the Council of 
Lyons. Short as was his life, he was not only the most 
authoritative but the most voluminous of the schoolmen. 
His Summa Theologice represents the most complete accom- 
modation of Aristotelian doctrine with Catholic orthodoxy, 
and has profoundly influenced all later ecclesiastical teaching. 
His political and ethical writings no less faithfully represent 
the Peripatetic tradition. His friend, the Italian Franciscan 
Bonaventura (d. 1274), a pupil of Alexander of „ 

\ i^n r r Bonaventura- 

Hales, gave a scholarly form to the mysticism 
of the Minorites. Other paths of learning were trodden by 
writers such as Hugh of Saint-Cher, the chief of the mediseval 
expositors of Scripture, while the physical speculations and 
the advocacy of experimental methods by the English Fran- 
ciscan, K.oger Bacon {d. 1294), were the most Roger 
promising results of that contact with nature to Bacon, 
which the pursuit of medicine had led the Minorite order. 
Even in their studies the distinct individual impression of 
the two rival communities was preserved, but they so far 
worked in common that they had won for the Church the 
absolute command of the whole field of learning. With the 
death of Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventura in 1274 the most 
Truitiul period of their activity cknielo an end. 

448 European History^ 918-1273 

Thus the Studium, which might have rivalled the Sacer- 
dotium, became its most strenuous ally, and the Httle band of 
The triumph ni^diaeval scholars, who had enough faith and 
of the character to tear themselves away from bread- 

Schooimcn. winning studies and all-engrossing professions 
found their highest satisfaction in justifying the ways of the 
Church. Before the end of the century the Empire had 
fallen from its ancient dignity, and within a generation the 
Papacy itself succumbed to the rough measures of a royal 
conqueror. But though the Empire might decline and the 
Papacy itself wane, the command which the Church had 
acquired of the world of thought and learning remained but 
little broken until the dawn of the Renascence, and kept alive 
the papal idea when the popes were captive in a foreign land, 
and when, through a still more lamentable decline, rival pontiffs 
at Rome and Avignon disputed the allegiance of Europe and 
prostituted their dignity by the violence of their brawls. The 
Studium survived the Regnum, and sustained with its authority 
the declining might of the Sacerdotium, thus allowing medi- 
aeval ideas to remain longer in currency, even when the political 
and hierarchical system which had engendered them was no 
longer supreme and triumphant. It is significant that the 
chief seat of this newly-won power of the mind was at Paris, 
the one great national capital of the strongest of the national 
states that had arisen on the ruins of Feudalism and the 
Empire. But the national principles of the king and his 
knights and clerks in the Cit6 were in strange contrast to the 
fundamental ideas of the cosmopolitan doctors of the univer- 
Paris and sity. Yet both the physical forces which kings can 
France. wield and the intellectual influence of teachers and 

thinkers united to show that France had become the centre of 
all the chief European movements. In her vernacular litera- 
ture, more strenuous, copious, robust and varied than that of 
any other nation, France was showing how in due course a 
new national culture might supersede the international uni- 
versal culture of the mediaeval schools. No less permanent 

The Universities and the Friars 449 

was her influence on social ideas, on manners, on art, on 
knightly action and on civic life. It is significant that 
Brunetto Latini, the master of Dante, wrote his chief work in 
French, because ' the French tongue is the most delectable 
and the most common to all peoples.' Even in a land like 
England, at a time when the national sentiment was becoming 
strongly anti-French, the French tongue, art, manners and 
ideals became more profoundly influential than at the time 
when the island was the province of a French duke. So 
thorough an Englishman as Matthew Paris called the French 
monarch the king of earthly kings. ^ 

^ Rex Francorum qui terrestrium rex regum est turn propter ejus 
coelestem inunctionem turn propter suam potestatem et militiae eminentiam. 
— Hist. Major, v. 480. 




Characteristics of the Thirteenth-Century Crusades — Innocent m. and the 
Crusades — The Children's Crusade— The State of the Latin Kingdom — 
The Fifth Cnisade — Andrew of Hungary — John of Brienne and the Siege 
of Damietta — Crusade of Frederick ii. and the Recovery of Jerusalem — 
Crusades of Theobald of Navarre and Richard of Cornwall — The Charis- 
mians conquer Jerusalem — The Tartar Crisis — The Sixth Crusade— Sl 
Louis in Egypt— Divisions of the Latin Kingdom — The Mamelukes and 
Bibars — Fall of Antioch— The Seventh Crusade — Death of St Louis at 
Tunis — Crusade of Edward I. — The Fall of Acre and the end of the 

The terrible disappointment of the Fourth Crusade showed 
that the great age_of the Holy Wars was over. Yet the 
century that began with that colossal failure has a place of 
its own in the history of the Crusades. In no age was the 
need of new expeditions to the Holy Land more 

The place , ,. , , 

oftheThir- Constantly discussed or more commonly recog- 
teenthCen- niscd. Numerous great Crusades were planned; 
History of many leading kings and princes took the Cross ; 
the Cru- gud never was Europe more systematically or 

regularly taxed to defray the expenses of the pro- 
jected movements. But very little f)Ositive results flowed from 
all the talk and preparation. The very Crusaders were not in 

* Besides the general authorities referred to in an earlier chapter, 

special reference may be made to important recent monographs such as 

Rohricht's Die fCreutzugsbewegung im Jahre 1 217 (Forschungen tur 

deutschen Geschichte 1876), Die Btlagerung von DamietU (Raumer's 


The Last Crusades and the East 451 

earnest with their work, and few of those magnates who signed 
themselves with the Cross put their whole energy into the 
redemption of their vows. There were no longer the prospects 
of rich estates or principalities to attract Crusaders of the baser 
sort. To most the Crusade was a pious aspiration, or at best 
an incidental pilgrimage. The great expeditions never came 
off. St. Louis alone represented the ancient ardour, but the 
most successful Crusader was the sceptical and self-willed 
Frederick 11. There was no thirteenth-century St. Bernard 
to direct the enthusiasm of Christendom. It was character- 
istic that St. Francis went to Egypt not to fight the Sultan 
but to reason with him, and that his disciple Roger Bacon 
questioned altogether the utility of the movement. The 
holy war aga'nst the Moors of Spain brought results that no 
longer flowed from the struggle in Palestine. Hermann of 
Salza showed a true instinct when he transferred the 
operations of his order from Syria to Prussia. Even the 
Popes began to divert the crusading zeal of Europe to the" 
so-called crusades against heretics, and finally also against th6~ 
political enemies of the Holy See. Yet to all earnest minds 
of the century, to fight, pay, or pray for the maintenance of 
the Latin East remained a Christian duty, while a constant 
stream of pilgrims and frequent small crusading expeditions 
kept alive for nearly the whole of the century the poor 
remnants of the Catholic kingdom of Jerusalem. 

Despite the failure of the Fourth Crusade, Innocent in, 
never lost sight of the need of a more devoted and better- 
directed expedition that would save the declining innocent iii. 
fortunes of Latin Syria. Yet he did but a doubt- and the 
ful service for the crusading cause when he forced '^®*^*^- 
princes so careless as John of England and Frederick of Sicily 
to pledge themselves to the holy work. The enthusiasm 
for the Crusades was dying ^mo n_g the^ mighty, but it still 

Historiuhes Taschenbuch 1876), and Riant's article on Edward i.'s Crusade 
in the Archives de fOrient Latin. Joinville is indispensable for St. 
Louis's Egyptian Crusade. 

452 European History ^ 918-1273 

lived on in the hearts of the poor, and the strange episodes 
TheChii- known as the Crusade of the Children showed 
dren'sCru- that the ignorant and disordered zeal that had 
sa e, laia. prgcg^jed the march of Godfrey of Boulogne had 
still its representatives in the early thirteenth century. A 
shepherd lad from the neighbourhood of Vendome, named 
Stephen, assembled a crowd of boys, peasants, workmen 
and women, who made their way to Marseilles, and prevailed 
upon two merchants to provide them with a passage to Syria ; 
but once embarked on the sea, the merchants sold them as 
slaves in Egypt Another swarm of German youths from the 
Lower Rhine made their way to Brindisi, where the bishop 
wisely prevented them taking ship, though very few ever 
managed to make their way back to their distant homes. ^ 
The useless devotion of these swarms of children is said to 
have provoked from Innocent in. the remark, ' These children 
shame us. While we are asleep, they march forth joyously 
to conquer the Holy Land.' He had good reason for his 
bitterness. " Despite all his efforts, no Crusade had been 
actually started at the moment of his death. Three kings^ 
however, had taken the Cross, and the Lateran Council 
fixed June 12 17 as the moment of their departure for the 

The death of John and the calculated delays of Frederick 11. 

FifWiCru-^ left Andrew of Hungary the only reigning king 

made, 13x7. ^}^q Started in 1 2 1 7 for what is generally called 

the Fifth Crusade. Andrew was a hot-headed and chivalrous 

prince, who, abandoning the administration of his kingdom to 

Andrew of the great lords who were breaking down the 

Hungary, central power, sought in foreign adventures the 

career that was denied him at home. Embarking with a 

* The authenticity of the story of the Children's Crusade, challenged by 
Winkelmann, Geschichte Friedrichs des Zweiten, is upheld by the great 
authority of Rohricht in his article on Der Kinderkreuzxug in the 
Historische Zeitschrxft, vol. 36. 

The Last Crusades and the East 4^3 

small army, mainly German and Hungarian, at Spalato, he 
took ship for Acre, where, jiefomid. the Latin- East in an 
exceptional state of confusion. The northern principality 
of Antioch had been wasting its resources in a long and 
devastating war with the Christian kings of Armenia, while 
famine^^stilencej^^nd_earthquake complicated the diflficulties 
m which a rapid succession of weak rulers had plunged the 
kingdom of Jerusalem. Luckily the division of 

1 J • • r r, , 1- — — r-- T State ofthe 

the dommions of Saladm among his sons and Latin King- 
other kinsmen broke up the unity of Islam and **°"'' "97- 
saved the Latins from any real disaster, while 
the "Constant flow of small expeditions, the scanty outcome 
of the great efforts of Henry vi. and Innocent in., still enabled 
the Latins to carry on the struggle. Henry of Champagne, 
whom Richard of England had left King of Jerusalem, was 
accidentally slain in 1197. His widow Isabella, through 
whom he held his right to rule, chose a new husband in 
Amalric of Lusignan, the representative of the rival house 
that Richard had established in Cyprus, who was now 
crowned as Kling Amalric 11., and reigned vigorously and suc- 
cessfully until his death in 1205. His infant son, who thus 
became Amalric in., died, as did his mother Isabella, 
before the year was out Hugh, Amalric 11. 's son by a 
former wife, now became King of Cyprus, while Isabella's 
eldest daughter by Conrad of Montferrat succeeded as 
Queen Mary of Jerusalem. Both princes were children, 
but a regent and husband was soon found for Mary by 
Philip Augustus. This was John of Brienne, a warrior of 
great experience and energy, though of slender resources. 
He reached Acre in 12 10, and was then crowned together 
with Mary. Too weak to embark on an adventurous policy, 
John made a truce with the Saracens, and patiently waited 
until^tHe^'expected Crusaders came. Butlthe arrival of 
Andrew did not afford the hoped-for relief. Though 
a considerable army was collected, and the King of Armenia 
joined the Western Crusaders at Acre, the Christians 

454 European History^ 918-1273 

were not able to force the Saracens to engage in battle, 
and the kings of Hungary and Armenia soon went home 

The autumn passage brought many new Crusaders to Acre, 
and in 12 18 John of Brienne prevailed upon his Western allies 
John of to take ship for Damietta, hoping thus to attack 

Brienne and ^^ Sultan of Egypt near the very centre of hiS' 
Damietta, powgr. At first fortune smiled upon their arms. 
1218-1219. Damietta was closely besieged, and a strong tower 
commanding the passage of the Nile was occupied, though 
the city still held out. The siege was carried on vigorously 
all through the winter, and many additional Crusaders joined 
the besieging army, conspicuous among them being the papal 
legate, Pelagius, who took the supreme command, and a band 
of English warriors, including E obert Fitzwalter and the Earls 
of Winchester, Arundel, and Chester. The Christians suffered 
severely from flood, pestilence, and famine, but at last, on 5 th 
November 12 19, Damietta was taken by a sudden assault. 
The fall of Damietta spread joy throughout Christendom and 
consternation all over the Mohammedan world. But the 
Christians quarrelled fiercely over the partition of the spoils, 
and John de Brienne, indignant at the assumption of Pelagius, 
withdrew to Syria. Saladin's nephew, El-Kamil, who now 
became Sultan of Egypt, profited by their slowness to build a 
new fortress, Mansourah, to block their invasion of the interior 
of Egypt Nevertheless, the fear of the Christians was so great 
that the Sultan offered to yield up Jerusalem itself, if the 
Crusaders would but restore Damietta. But the Latins 
expected great things from the projected Crusade of Frede- 
rick II., and rejected his proposals. At last, in the summer of 
1 22 1, Pelagius advanced against Cairo, having persuaded John 
de Brienne to come back to his assistance. The expedition 
was a disastrous failure. The Egyptians flooded the country, 
and the invaders were soon prevented either from advancing 
or retreating, and were, moreover, threatened with starvation. 
John de Brienne prevailed upon the Sultan to^Uow^the 

The Last Crusades and the East 455 

army to retire unmolested, on condition of Damietta being 
restored and a long truce granted. Thus the enterprise, 
from which so much had been hoped, ended in disastrous 
failure, and the Latin East remained in a worse plight than 

John de Brienne wandered through Europe imploring help 
for his kingdom. By his marriage of his daughter lolande to 
Frederick 11., he gave the hesitating Emperor a crusadeof 
new motive for fulfilling his vow ; but a rupture Frederick 
soon broke out between them, and, though •. "'7-1239- 
Frederick claimed the kingdom on his wife's account, his 
father-in-law disappeared from the history of Syria, finding 
fresh fields for adventure in commanding the papal troops 
in Apulia, and dying in 1237 as regent of the Latin Em- 
peror of Constantinople (see pages 353 and 369). At last 
Frederick 11. went, as we have seen, on his long-deferred 
Crusade (see page 368). Despite the ban of the Church 
he obtained a large measure of success^ and .the treaty of 
'1229 restored Jerusalem to the Christians, after it had be.Qn 
for more than forty years in the hands of the Infidel. It was 
the last real triumph of the Crusades. 

Frederick had done a great Service to Christendom in 
recovering Jerusalem, but his attempt to govern the Latin 
kingdom of Syria as a non-resident sovereign involved the 
land in fresh disasters. The Syrian lords revolted against the 
governors of the Emperor, and the continued disfavour of the 
Church extended with disastrous results the strife of Papacy 
and Empire into a region where the absolute union of all the 
Westerns was the essential condition of the maintenance of 
the Christian cause. Fortunately, the divisions of Decline of 
Islam saved the Syrian monarchy from any imme- the Ayoubite 
diate danger, especially after El-ICamil's death ^''^*''- 
in 1238, when there was again a general scramble for power 
among the numerous Ayoubite chieftains. Moreover, a 
constant stream of Crusaders still flowed to the East, and 
occasionally regular expeditions were successfully organised.^ 

450 European History^ 918-1273 

Conspicuous among these latter was the Crusade of 1239, 
crusadeiof ^^^^ Gregory ix. had proclaimed, and then 
Theobald of sought to divert, because of his renewed quarrel 
S"and '^^^^ '^^ Emperor. Regardless of the Pope's 
Richard of advice, a numerous band of French nobles, headed 
J;^)"^*" by Theobald the Great, Count of Champagne and 
King of Navarre, andjncluding Amalric of Mont- 
fort, the former Count of Toulouse, set sail for Acre. In 1240 
an English Crusade appeared in Palestine, commanded by 
Richard, Earl of Cornwall, the future King of the Romans, 
who was joined by his brother-in-law, Amalric's famous brother, 
Simon, Earl of Leicester. But the King of Navarre had been 
beaten and had gone home disgusted before the Englishmen 
had arrived, and Richard, whose name and the fame of his 
uncle King Richard had excited the liveliest expectations, 
was aole to do little more than make a treaty which secured 
the freedom of the captives. The fierce feuds of Templars 
and Hospitallers, and the renewed quarrel of Pope and 
Emperor, further increased the difficulties of the English 
prince. The rival attractions of an alliance either with 
Damascus or Egypt caused violent partisanships among 
those pledged to general war against the Infidel, while 
Richard was looked upon with much suspicion by the hier- 
archical party because he persisted in regarding Frederick 
II. or his son Conrad as lawful King of Jerusalem. 

The great Mongol power was already disturbing all Asia. 
About 1220 the Charismians, a Turkish race that had estab- 
The Chans- IJshed itsclf to the south of the sea of Aral, and 
mians and had finally Tcduccd all Persia to subjection, were 
the Tartara. overwhelmed by the hosts of Genghiz Khan. The 
survivors of the disaster were driven into exile, and forced 
to earn their bread as the mercenaries of any Eastern prince 
who could pay for them. £s-Saleh Ayoub, El-Kamil's-eldest 
son, the lord of Damascus, had been so hard pressed by hia 
Christian and Mohammedan enemies that he took some of 
these fierce hordes into his service. In 1 244 they suddenly 

The Last Crusades and the East 457 

swooped down on Jerusalem, and captured it, brutally 
-murdering all its inhabitants. Christians and TheChans- 
Mohammedans united against the 'savage Chans- "'g^of"' 
mians, and provoked them to battle at Gaza. Jerusalem, 
But the Saracens fled early in the fight, leaving ^^'^• 
the Christians to struggle alone against a superior enemy. 
The result was the armihilation of the crusading host and 
the practical end of the Latin Kingdom. Henceforth the 
Christians were reduced, as after 1187, to a few sea-coast 
cities. But the fall of Jerusalem now stirred up no such 
general ferment throughout Christendom as did its first 
reconquest by the Saracens. The news arrived when 
Innocent iv. was fulminating his final deposition against 
Frederick. The Crusade against the Emperor seemed to all 
followers of the papal teaching a more pressing necessity 
than the Crusade against Islam. Under such circumstances, 
the proclamation of a new Crusade at the Council of Lyons 
could lead to no real result It was not by talk only that 
Jerusalem could be restored to the Cross. 

The spirit of a former age was not quite extinct, but the 
only great prince who was still under its influence was the 
King of France. St Louis had long desired to go upon 
Crusade, and would gladly have accompanied the King of 
Navarre in 1239. The state of his dominions was now so 
satisfactory that he at last felt able to embark ^^,^^^"^7'^ 
upon the undertaking. After striving in vain to sade, 1248- 
make the Crusade general by uniting Eope and **^* 
Emperor, he saw that the effort would have to be made by 
himself alone. In the summer of 1248 he embarked from 
Aigues Mortes and took ship to Cyprus, where during the 
winter a large but almost exclusively French army of pilgrims 
gathered together. Among the adventurers was the lord of 
Joinville, who has in his Life of St. Louis left an imperishable 
account of the expedition. 

Egypt was still the chief seat of Ayoub's power, and, as 
in 1 2 18, it was thought more profitable to attack Egypt 

458 European History, 918-1273 

than Palestine. Thu s the Sixth Crusad e became almost a 
St Louis in repetition of the Fifth. In the spring of 1 249, 
Egypt, 1249- the Christian host sailed from Cyprus and landed 
"^' neaf Damietta. They were luckier than John 

de Brienne and Pelagius, for their arrival threw the Mussulman 
garrison into such alarm that it withdrew in the night, and 
Damietta was occupied without any difficulty. Precious time 
was now wasted waiting for Alfonse of Poitiers, who at last 
arrived with reinforcements. The army was also joined by 
William Longsword, Earl of Salisbury, and a band of English- 
men. Hot disputes arose as to the method of carrying on the 
campaign. The prudent were in favour of a gradual conquest 
of the sea-coast, and advised a march on Alexandria. ^But 
Robert of Artois urged a direct march on Cairo, and his 
opinion prevailed. In November 1249 the Crusaders made 
their way inwards through the Delta, untaught by the disasters 
of thirty years before. The result was a further repetition of 
the blunders and ill-luck of Pelagius. The vast host marched 
from Damietta and invested Mansourah, but their progress was 
made excessively slow by the difficult nature of the country, 
cut up by broad canals and arms of the Nile. The fatal rash- 
ness of Robert of Artois led a part of the army to a premature 
attack, in which Robert was slain. Before long the besiegers 
were themselves almost besieged. Wasted by heat and lack 
of food, the Crusaders lost all heart, and finally a terrible 
epidemic devastated the camp and completed their demoralisa- 
tion. Louis at last ordered a retirement on Damjetta, 
but the Saracens threw themselves on the retreating host. 
Louis fought valiantly at the post of danger in the rear. ^le 
was before long taken prisoner, whereupo n the whole army 
laid down its arms. The raass^T the captives was put to the 
sword, but Louis and the great lords were ransomed, in 
consideration of an enormous payment and the surrender of 
Damietta. The King on his release went on pilgrimage to 
Palestine. He sent his brothers Alfonse and Charles back to 
France, but himself abode for more than three years in the 

The Last Crusades and the East 459 

Holy Land, labouring strenuously at restoring the Christian 
fortresses, and atoning for his failure in Egypt gt Louis in 
^y works of piety and self-sacrifice. The Sultan Palestine, 
of Damascus offered him a safe-conduct to '*5i-ia54- 
Jerusalem, but he refused to see the Holy City since he 
could not rescue it from the hands of the enemies of the faith. 
At last the death of his mother necessitated his return to 
France (June 1254). He was the last Western king who led 
a great army to the East 

In the years after the return of Louis the Crusading State 
managed to hold its own. The Tartars still pressed on Islam 
on the east, and it was no time for the Saracens to make fresh 
conquests when their very existence was in danger. Moreover, 
constant changes in the Mohammedan world -j-jje Rise of 
further limited its power of aggression. Es-Saleh the Mame- 
died while St. Louis was in Egypt, whereupon in 
1 254 the Mameluke mercenaries finally destroyed the Ayoubite 
power, and, inspired by their leader Bibars, the soul of 
the resistance to St Louis, set up sultans at their discretion 
and murdered them when they were weary of them. 

It was small praise to the Franks themselves that the 
Crusading State still continued. The fierce factions of the 
Latins grew worse than ever. A line of bailiffs of vicissitudes 
the house of Ibelin ruled in the name of the of the Latin 
absentee Hohenstaufen, Henry, Conrad and Con- "*^ *""* 
radin. With the execution of the latter, the house of Hohen- 
staufen became extinct, and the King of Cyprus, Hugh 11 1. of 
Lusignan, was crowned in 1269 as King of Jerusalem, though 
his title was contested by his aunt, Mary of Antioch. His 
rule was not strong enough to keep order, so that Templars 
and Hospitallers, Pullani and emigrants, Venetians and 
Genoese, carried out their feuds with little hindrance. Acre, 
the crusading capital, remained, despite the disorder, a con- 
siderable commercial centre, and the trading rivalries of the 
Italian cities were the most fruitful of all sources of disorder. 
In 1258 a pitched battle between great fleets of Venetians 

460 European History ^ 918-1273 

and Genoese was fought oflF the coast of Acre, in which the 
Genoese were so severely beaten that they were obliged to 
abandon their quarter in the capital and establish their factory 
at Tyre. 

While this was going on, the contest of Saracen and Tartar 
reached its height In 1258 the Tartars took Bagdad and 
The Tartar ended the nominal Caliphate. Next year they 
Crisis, 1258- appeared in Syria and captured Damascus. The 
»»6a Western Christians hoped that the Tartars would 

root out Islam and then turn Christians, but the Synan 
Franks knew better. Though the Prince of Antioch appeared 
as a suppliant in the Tartar camp, the barbarians soon turned 
their arms against Acre. All that the Christians could hope 
for was from the dissensions of their enemies. Even this 
did not avail them long. I n 1260 the Sultan Kutji? of 
Egypt defeated the Tartars at Ain Talut It was the Eastern 
counterpart of the victories of Conrad, and equally decisive. 
The barbarians withdrew to the East, leaving Islam again 

Kutuz went back to Egypt, and was murdered by his 
Mameluke soldiers. The time was now ripe for Bibars to 
The Sultan mount his throne, and the former Turkman slave 
Bibars, 1260. ^nd Mameluke captain soon proved himself the 
most dangerous enemy that the Eastern Christians had seen 
since the death of Saladin. A stem but just ruler of his own 
subjects, and a pious and ascetic Mussulman, he was willingly 
obeyed by the Mohammedans of the Levant. A strenuous 
warrior against the Christians, he was also statesman enough 
to seek allies among the Christian states of Europe, whose 
friendship soon proved as useful to him as the valour of his 
soldiers. In 1262 Bibars began his attacks on the Latin 
Kingdom. Though town after town fell into his hands, the 
Franks could not end their quarrels even in the face of the 
enemy. In 1267 the Genoese waged war against Acre, now 
wholly given over to the commerce of Venice. At that 
very time Bibars, having already conquered the Templars' 

The Last Crusades and the East 461 

stronghold of Safed, was devastating the country about Acra 
In the spring of 1 268 he conquered Jaffa, and then, p^n of jaffa 
turning his arms northwards, overran the princi- andAntioch, 
pality of Antioch. Before the end of the year 
Antioch had surrendered, after a disgracefully short resistance. 
The northern crusading state was thus brought to an end, and 
once more Europe was confronted with the imminent danger 
of the few remaining towns, like Acre and Tripoli, that still 
resisted Bibars. 

St. Louis again took the Cross, but even in France the 
crusading fever was dying out, and Joinville himself refused 
to accompany the king on his second adventure seventh 
against Islam. Other sovereigns promised to Crusade, 
follow Louis's example. James of Aragon actually ^^''^ 
embarked, but a tempest shattered his ships, and he piously 
withdrew from an enterprise of which, he argued, God had 
shown His disapproval. Edward of England did not hesitate 
to leave his aged father to follow his uncle, the French king, but 
his following was small, and his departure was delayed. But the 
worst was that the host of St. Louis was no longer gj^ Louis 
an army of pilgrims or enthusiasts, but of highly again takes 
paid mercenaries or of reluctant barons, whom 
duty to the king alone withdrew from their homes. Even more 
fatal was the presence of Charles of Anjou, established in Sicily 
since 1266, with whom Bibars had established friendly rela- 
tions, and who had striven hard to divert his -j-he Crusade 
brother's army from Egypt or Syria to a place diverted to 
where it would more directly play the game of "" *■ 
the house of Anjou. His craft proved only too successful. 
He persuaded Louis to direct his forces against Tunis, an 
ancient dependency of the Norman kings of Sicily, whose 
sultans had always continued to pay tribute to the Hohen- 
staufen, though they had refused it to their Angevin sup- 
planter. Accordingly St. Louis disembarked at Tunis, and 
took up his quarters amidst the ruins of Carthage. He had 
hoped that the presence of his army would fnghten the enemy 

462 European History^ 918-1273 

into yielding and accepting Christianity, but he soon found 
Its Faiiare. himself blockaded in his camp. Plague followed 
Death of the hcats of summer, and on 25th August St 

Louis died. The new king, Philip the Bold, 
who was in the camp, was almost forced by his barons to 
conclude a truce by which the ancient tribute to the King 
of Sicily was promised henceforth in double measure. The 
remnants of the host then went sadly home, reverently con- 
veying with them the remains of their dead monarch. 

Edward of England appeared off Tunis after the truce had 
been signed. He indignantly refused to be bound by the 

disgraceful accommodation, and sailed with his 

Crusade of . . . 

Edward of httle fleet of thirteen ships to Acre, where his 
England, energy infused a little life into the resistance of 

the Latins. Even there the subtle influence of 
Charles of Anjou made itself felt. He offered his mediation 
with Bibars, and the dispirited Syrian Franks could not refuse 
the chance of enjoying a short period of rest As at Carthage, 
Edward contemptuously held aloof, but the truce was signed, 
and the Sultan sought to assassinate the last champion of 
resistance. The attempt failed, and as soon as his wounds 
were cured, Edward went home to claim his kingdom. A 
companion of his pilgrimage to Acre, Theobald of Lidge, now 
became Pope Gregory x., and strove once more to preach a 

great Crusade. At the Council of L-yons of 1274, 
Council of which saw the temporary union of the Greek and 
Lyonsand jj^tin Churches, the whole Western Church was 

the failure ' 

to revive the Called upon to Contribute a tenth of its revenues 
Crusades, f^j. gjj^ years to equip the new Cnisade. The 
Holy War was preached all ov er Chri stendom, 
but the appeal fell on deaf ears. Gregory soon died, and his 
successors allowed the kings of Europe to lay hands on the 
sacred treasure, a power which Edward i. himself did not 
scruple to exercise. The hopes of a new rising of Christen- 
dom became fainter and